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Show THE CITIZEN 6 interested in this article, said the President, because it seemed to be necessary for the peace and freedom of the world that a forum should be created to which all peoples could bring any fnatter which was likely to affect the peace and freedom of the world. Sir Edward Carson, who, with Lloyd-GeorgBalfour and Sir Robert Cecil, is the governing power in Great. Britain at this time, declares that the President is mistaken in thinking that Article XI will give the league council the right to take up and deliberate on the Irish problem. The President has been telling the people that the opponents of the covenant have not been informing them as to what is in it. Perhaps not, but Sir Edward Carson accuses the President of misinforming the people as to what is in it. The. President, in the most solemn manner, assures us that the conferees at Versailles were united in the wish to safeguard the sacredm right of revolution. We have shown that under Article X successful revolution is impossible and such a showing is sufficient for the Irish problem, but perhaps we can even demonstrate that the President did not answer the first question correctly a question that was framed in a way to give him the best opportunity to make out a case for his covenant. On his entire trip, so far as we recollect, the President has not alluded to Articles VIII and XXII of the covenant. Article VIII deals with reduction of armament. It does not provide any definite program of disarmament but leaves that to the league. Section 5 of the article says: The members of the league agree that the manufacture by private enterprise of munitions and implements of war is open to grave objections. The council shall ad- vise how the evil effects attendant upon such manufacture can be prevented, due regard being had to the necessities of those members of the league which are not able to manufacture the munitions and implements of war necessary for their safety. Virtually all of Africa is placed by the treaty in the hands of Great Britain, France and the Union of South Africa, a British dominion. Within the confines of the regions committed to the mandatory powers of the league members are millions of black people. They are not members of the league ; they 'are subject to the will of their mandatories. They cannot attempt any revolution because they will be disarmed by their mandatories and will not be permitted either to make or import arms. To clinch the argument we will quote Section 5 of Article XXII relating to control of colonies and territories. Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the mandatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience or religion, subject to the maintenance of public order or morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, THE ARMS TRAFFIC, and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and for the defense of the territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other members of the league. Not only, therefore, are the natives denied the right to make or import arms, but they cannot build fortifications or establish naval bases. In fact, although they are permitted to fight for their masters, they cannot fight against them. War is permissible to defend the tyranny of the masters, but not to free the slaves. So much did our forefathers value the right to bear arms and that connotes the right to make arms that they inserted the following amendment in the constitution: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed., All the people of Africa are under foreign powers, as were all the American people at one time, and are denied the right, at any future time, of making and bearing the arms necessary to their freedom. And this is not simply a regulation by a single government,' it is an article of the League of Nations. Let us revert now to the Labor Council's question and see where it leads us. e, Does the nation obligate itself to assist any member of the league in putting down a rebellion of its subjects or conquered peoples ? It does. It obligates itself to deny to the people of Africa arms and ammunition, and not only to the Africans but to all other subject It obligates itself to peoples under the dominion of the Big Five. assist the members of the league in controlling the arms traffic among all subject peoples. What, then, has become of the sacred right of revolution? $ FRANCE PRO-GERMA- N France has gone While the President tours ALAS, country denouncing the opponents of his covenant as ungrateful France stamps itself as equally by demanding reservations. We quote from a dispatch appearing in the Deseret News of September 24. It is dated Paris, September 23, and is special correspond- ence from Maurice Barres, member of the French Academy and of the French Chamber of Deputies. It is a dispatch of several hundred words setting forth the reservations which are of great interest to France but of no particular interest to the American people except in the fact that they show that France is demanding larger guarantees than those contained in the pro-Germa- n! pro-Germa- pro-Germ- n, an treaty. What is of particular interest to us is the comment of Maurice Barres, for it demonstrates that the French parliament is planning to do just that which President Wilson condemns Republican and Democratic United States senators for attempting to do. This is what Deputy Barres says : Finally, the chamber unanimously asked the government to obtain an international financial guarantee, a measure which should protect credit and exchange. The treaty will be ratified but not without reservations, and that is a good thing. For our nation it will be a fine demonstration of our solidarity, and for the chamber it will be a fine expression of .our sentiments and an indictation of our future action. The treaty as it was compiled by the peace conference does not satisfy France, but it will satisfy France if amended in accordance with the wishes of the French parliament. Lest our readers who are unfamiliar with French affairs and literature should imagine Barres to be an unimportant figure in the life of his country we wish to state that he has been a- famous writer for more than a generation, and if anyone is interested in testing the fact he can call at the Salt Lake Public library, go to the French section and see how many books by Maurice Barres he can find there. We remember reading with pleasure a notable work of his on the French Panama canal scandal. He has been foremost in all patriotic movements these many years and was especially conspicuous for his writings designed to keep alive in the hearts of Frenchmen the desire and determination to regain Perhaps United States senators who demand the amendment of the treaty can bear with more serenity President Wilsons unworthy propaganda when they hear that distinguished French patriots have Not merely that Maurice Barres joined them in assures the world that the treaty will not be passed until it has been amended by the French parliament. President Wilson may well conclude that all is lost now that France has gone - Alsace-Lorrain- pro-Germanis- e. m. pro-Germa- n. Shall we guarantee civilization or shall we abandon it? asked President Wilson. One of the best ways of guaranteeing civilization is to preserve the United States. Is the man who declares that the cause for which I am fighting (League of Nations) is greater than the Senate, greater than the government pro-America- n? when he said the treaty was worthWas Lansing less and that if the American people knew what was in it they would defeat it. ? pro-Germ- an |