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Show JUAB COUNTY TIMES. NEPHI. UTAH PRESIDENT'S WORD 5 '10 PREPARE' Annual Message Pleads for certed and Efficient Action. FOR GREATER REGULAR Con- ARMY Citizen Soldiery part of Hie Plan-Pro- blem of Commercial Mobilization Stated Dleloyalty Among Certain Elements In Our National Life Serious Menace to Peace. Washington, Dec. 7. President son today delivered the following sage to congress: Gentlemen of the Congress: Wilmes- Since I last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the soa, which hud then only begun to discloHe Its portentous proportions, has extended Its threatening and sinister scope 'until It has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not eiiKiptlng our own hemisphere, has altorod the whole face of International affabs, and now presents a prospect of reorganization and reconstruction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neu tral. It was our manifest duty, to do so. Not only did we have no part or Interest In the policies which seem to have brought the conflict on; it was necessary, it s universal catastrophe was to be avoided, that a limit should be set to the sweep of destructive war snd that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes of peace alive, If only to prevent col lectlve economic ruin and the break' dowd throughout the world of the lu dug tries by which its populations are fed and sustained. It was manifestly nations the duty of the of this hemisphere to redress, if pos sible, the balance of economic loss and confusion in the other, it they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of Infinite service. American Nations Partners. In this neutrality, to which they were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Kurope but also by a clear perception of international 'duty, the atates of America have become conscious of a new and more vital community Interest and moral partnership in affairs, more clearly conscious of the many common sym pat hies and Interests and duties which bid them stand together. There was s time In the early days of our own great nation and of the re publics fighting their way to Inde pendence In Central and South Amer lea when the government of the Unit ed Slitei looked upon itself as In some sort the guardian of the republics to the south of ber as against any en croachments or efforts at political con trot from the other side of the water felt It Its duly to play the part even without Invitation from them; and I think that we can claim that the tssk was undertaken with ft true and dls Interested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and the unmolested self government of her Independent peoples. Hut It was always difficult to maintain such role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose free dom 'of art Ion we sought to protect. snd without provoking serious ml scon ceplions of our motives, and every thoughtful man of affairs must wel come the altered circumstances of the new day In whose light we now stand when there Is no claim of guardian ship or thought of wards but. Instead, S full snd honorable association as of partners between ourselves snd our neighbors, in the Interest of sll Amer ica, north and south. Our concern for the Independence and prosperity of th states of Central and South America Is not altered. We retsln unabated the spirit thst bm Inspired us through out the whole I, fa of our government Snd which was so frankly put Into words by President Monroe. We still Xtean slwsys to make a common cause of nstional Independence and of po ll t Ira liberty In America. Attitude Toward Mexico. We havo been put to the test in the rase of Mexico, and we have stood the test Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to b seen. Her fortunes are In her own bands. But wo bave at least proved that wo will not take ad vantage of ber In her distress and tin dertako to Impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing We will sid snd befriend Mexico, but we will not coerce ber; and our course with regard to her ought to be suffi dent proof to all America that we Seek no political suzerainty or selfish control. The moral Is, thst the states of Americs sro tot hostile rivals but co operating friends, and thst their grow Ing oense of community, of Interest alike In matters political snd In mat ters economic. Is likely to give them s new significance as fsctors In Inter national affairs and In fho political history of the world. Drawing the Amerloa Together. There Is, I venture to point out, an especial significance Just now attach lag to this whole matter of drawing Ibe Americas together in bonds of bon trabi psrtawtoblp and mutual sdvsn tage becaurs ot the economic readjust ments whiih the world must inevi tably witness within the next genera tion, when peace shall have at last re sumed its healthful tasks. In the per formance of these tasks I believe the Americas to be destined to play their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take It within your view and permit the full significance of It to command your thought I can not find the right light In which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very front of my whole thought as I address you today. I mean na tional defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom Te are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion Is for peace, their genius best displayed In the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought is ot Individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life snd the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion are not in our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we demand unmolested development snd the undisturbed government ot our own lives upon our own principles of right snd liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter It may come, the aggression we ourselves will not practice. We Insist upon security in proselines of nationcuting our al development. We do more than that. We demand it also tor others. Question of Preparedness. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as s means of asserting the rights of a peo And we are ple against aggression. as fiercely jealous ot coercive or dictatorial power within our own nation ss of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army except for uses which sre as necessary in times ot peace ss In times of war; and we shall always see to It that our military peace establishment Is no larger than is actually and continu ously needed for the uses of days In which no enemies move against us. But we do believe In s body ot free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and ot the governments which they have set up to serve them. But war has never been a mere matter of men and guns. It Is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how mod ern fighting Is done, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available snd Immediately effective. And the gov ernment must be their servant tn this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. It Is with these ideals In mind that the plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before you, and which. I urge you to sanction and put Into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. Larger Army Plan. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102.983 enlisted men of all services to s strength of 7.136 officers snd 134.70? enlisted men. or 141.S43. sll told, sll services, rank snd file, by the addition of coast of fifty-twcompanies artillery, fifteen companies of engl neers, ten regiments of Infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides 750 officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all Important duty of training the citizen force of wbirb I shall presently speak, 792 noncommissioned omcers for serv ice In drill, recruiting and the like, snd the necessary quota of en listed men for the quartermaster corps, the hospital corps, the ord nance department, snd other similar auxiliary services. These sre the ad dltions necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties, duties which It has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and borders and ot our Interior army posts, but also In the Philippines, In the Hawaiian Islands, at the isthmus, and self-chose- In Porto Rico. Iiy way of making the country ready to assert some psrt of Its real power promptly and upon s largr scale, should occasion arise, the plan also contemplates supplementing the srtny by s force of 400,000 disciplined citi zens, raised In Increments of 1.13, 000 s year throughout s period of three years. This it Is proposed to do by s process of enlistment under whlrh the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind them selves to serve with the colors for pur pose of trsining for short periods throughout three years, and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional "furlough" period of three years. This force of 400,000 men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted snd their equipment for the field made ready to be sup plied at any time. They would be assembled for training at stated Intervals at convenient places In asso ciation with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months In the year. At least so much by the way of preparation for defense seems to me tn be absolutely Imperative now. We cannot do Ws. The Naval Program. The program which will be Isid before yon by the secretary of the navy U similarly conceived. It Involves only s shortening of the time within the fiscal year 1917, $93,800,000. Those figures, taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose our financial problem for the year 1917. As suming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the pres ent duty on sugar are to bo discontinued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements for the Panama canal will again be about twenty-fivmillions, and that the additional expenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the congress, the deficit in the general fund ot the treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917, will be nearly two hundred and thirty-fivmillions. To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent s safe working balance for the treasury, and twelve millions to Include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917; and these additions would make s total deficit of some two hundred and ninety-sevemillions. If the present taxes Bhould be continued throughout this year and the next, however, 'here would be a balance In and the treasury ot some seventy-sia half millions at the end of the present fiscal year, and s deficit st the end ot the next year ot only aome fifty millions, or, reckoning In sixty-twmillions for deficiency appropriations and a safe treasury belance at the end ot the year, s total deficit ot some one hundred snd twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures la that it is s plain counsel of prudence to con tinue sll of the preesnt taxes or their equivalents, snd confine ourselves to the problem of providing $112,000,000 of new revenue rather than $297,000,-000- . be for STRIKING POINTS IN PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE The department of war contemplates an Increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5.023 officers and 102,935 enl'sted men to 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, and supplementing the army by a force of 400,000 disciplined citizens. It will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efficiency. The gravest threats against our national peace and safety havo been uttered within our own borders. It is necessary for many weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should have s great merchant marine. It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that In what we are now to undertake we should pay as we go. We should bo following an almost universal example of modern government if wo were to draw the greater part or oven the whole of the revenues wo need from the Income taxes. We havo been put to the test In the case of Mexico and wo have stood tho test. Whether wo havo benefited Mexico by the course wo have pursued remains to be aeen. Our concern for tho Independence and prosperity of tho states of Central and South America Is not altered. which plans long matured shall be carried out; but It does make definite and explicit s program which has heretofore been only Implicit, held tn the minds ot the two committees on naval affairs snd disclosed In the debates ot the two bouses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems to me very clear that It will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt s comprehen sive plan for putting the navy upon s final footing ot strength and effi ciency and to press that plan to com pletion within the next five years. We bave always looked to the navy of the country as our first snd chief line of defense; we have always aeen it to be our manifest course of pru dence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating s navy which now ranks very high Indeed among the navlea of the maritime nations. We should new definitely de termine how we shall complete what we have begun, snd bow soon. The program to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six battle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-fivcoast submarines, four gunboats, one hospital ship, two ammunition ships, two fuel oil ships, and one regular repair ship. It la proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, flften destroyers, coast five fleet submarines, twenty-fivsubmarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten destroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunbost. and one fuel oil ship; the third year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, live destroyers, two fleet submarines, snd fifteen coast submarines; the fourth year, two battleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, on ammunition ship, snd one fuel oil ship; and the fifth year, two battleships, one bsttle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, ons gunboat, one ammunition ship, snd one repair ship. Mors Men for tho Navy. The secretary of the navy Is asking slso for the Immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of 7.5f0 sail ors. 1.200 apprentice sesmen. snd 1.000 marines. This Increase would be sufficient to csre for the ships which are to be completed with In the fisrsl year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put In training to man the ships which will be complied early In 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midship men at the Naval academy at Annap olis should be Increased by at least three hundred If this full program should be car-tieout we should havo built or build ing In 1921. according to the estimates of survtvsl and standards of rlaaslflration followed by the general board of the department, an effective navy consisting of 7 battleships, of the first line, 6 battle cruisers. 25 battleships of the second line, 10 armored cruiss ers, 13 scout cruisers. 6 cruisera, 10 cruisers. 3 second-clas- s thlrdiass cruisers, ICS destroyers. 18 fleet submarines. 157 coast submarines monitors . 20 gunboats, 4 supply ships, IS fuel ships, 4 transports 3 tenders to torpedo vessels, I ves sels of specisl types, and 2 ammunition ships. This arould be a navy fit ted to our needs and worthy of our traditions. Hut armies and Instruments of war are only part of what has to be con sidered If we sre to consider the. so pre me matter of national self siifflclen ry and security In all Its apect. There are other great matters which will be thrust npon our attention whether we will or not. There Is, for example, s very pressing question of trade and shipping Involved In this great problem of national adequacy It Is necessary for many weighty res- sons of nstlonsl efficiency and development thst we should bave s great merchant marine. It Is high time we repaired our mistake and resumed our commercial Independence on the seas. Need of Merchant Marine. for It Is a question of Independence. If other nations go to war or seek to hsmper each other's commerce, our merchants, It seems, are at their mercy, to do with as they ptease. We fnuit nse their ships, and aw them as they determine. We bave not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on th seas. Our Independence is provincial, and Is only on land and within our own borders. We aro not likely to be permitted to sse oven the ships e first-clas- anything like this before. It never dreamed it possible that men sworn Into Its own citizenship, men drawa out of great free stocks such as sup plied some of the best and strongest elements of that. little, but how heroic. nation that In a high day of old staked. Us very life to free Itself from every entanglement that had darkened th fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here that men ot such origins and such free choice of allegiance would ever turn In malign reaction against the government and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to mak. this proud country once more s hotA little, bed ot European passion. while ago such s thing would have seemed Incredible. Because It was tncrediblo we made no preparation for It. We would bave been almost ashamed to prepare tor It, a It we were suspicious of ourselves, our own But tho comrade and neighbors! ugly snd Incredible thing has actually come about and we sre without adequate federal law to deal with It. I urge you to enact such law at tho earliest possible moment snd feel that in doing bo I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and ot the nation. Such creatures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy must be crushed out. They aro not many, but they are Infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They havo formed plots to destroy property, they have entered Into conspiracies against the neutrality ot the govern ment, they bave sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the government In order to serve Interest alien to our own. It i possible to deal with these things very effectually. New Sources of Revenue. How shall we obtain the new reve I need not suggest the term In which nue? It seems to me s clear dictate of they may be dealt with. Aro Disgrace to tho Nation. prudent statesmanship and frank finance that In what we are now, I I wish that It could be said that hope, to undertake, we should pay as only s few men, misled by mistaken we go. The people of the country are sentiment of allegiance to the govern entitled to know just what burdens of ments under which they were born, taxation they are to carry, and to know had been guilty of disturbing the from the outset, now. The new bills snd misrepresenting the, should be paid by Internal taxation, temper snd principles of the country To what sources, then, shall we during these day of terrible war, turn? This Is so peculiarly s question when it would seem that every man which the gentlemen of the house ot who was truly an American would representatives are expected under instinctively make It hi duty and his the Constitution to propose an answer pride to keep the scales of judgment to that you will hardly expect me to even and prove himself s partisan ot do more than discuss It In very gen no nation but his own. But it cannot. eral terms. We should be following There are some men among us, and an alzaost universal example of mod many resident abroad who, though ern government If we were to draw born and bred in the United States the greater part or even the whole of and calling themselves Americana, the revenues we need from the In bave so forgotten themselves and come taxes. By somewhat lowering the their honor as citizens as to put their present limits of exemption and the passionate sympathy with one or the figure at which the surtax shall begin other side In the great European conto be Imposed, and by Increasing, step flict above their regard for the peace by step throughout the present gradu and dignity of the United States. They ation, the surtax Itself, the Income also preach snd practice disloyalty. taxes as st present apportioned No law. I suppose, can reach corwould yield aums sufficient to balance ruptions of the mind and heart; but I the book of the treasury at the end should not speak of others without of the fiscal year 1917 without any also speaking of these and expressing where making the burden unreason the even deeper humiliation and acorn and every self possessed ably or oppressively heavy. The pre which else reckonings are fully and accurate- thoughtfully patriotic American must ly set out in the report of the secre feel when be thinks of them and of tary of the treasury which will be im the discredit they are daily bringing upon us. mediately laid before you. While we speak of the preparation And there sre many additional sources of revenue which can justly be of the nation to make sure ot her resorted to without hampering the in security snd ber effective power w dustries of the country or putting any must not fall Into the patent error of too great charge upon Individual ex- supposing that her real strength A one per cent tax per comes from armaments and mere safependiture. and naptha would guards of written law. on gasoline gallon What Is more important Is. that the yield, at the present estimated production, $10,000,000; s tax of 50 cents Industrie snd resources of the counper horse power on automobiles and try should be available and ready tor Internal explosion engines. $ir,0oQ,-000- ; mobilization. The transportation problem is an a stamp tax on bank checks, probably $18,000,000; a tax of 23 cents exceedingly serious and pressing one per ton on pig Iron, $10,000,000; s tax in this country. There has from of 50 cents per ton on fabricated Iron time to time of late been reason and steel, probably $l0.oo.noo. In a to fear that our railroads would country of great Industries like this It not much longer be able to cope with ought to be easy to distribute the bur- It successfully, as at present equipped f suggest that it dens ot taxation without making them and anywhere bear loo heavily or too ex- would be wise to provide for a comclusively upon any one set of persons mission of Inquiry to ascertain by s What is clear Is, thorough canvass of the whole quesor undertakings. thst the' Industry of this generation tion whether our laws as at present should pay the bills of this generation. framed and administered are ss serviceable as they might be In the soluI have spoken to you today, gentlemen, upon s single theme, the thor- tion of the problem. It Is obviously s ough preparation of the nation to care problem thst lies at the very foundafor Its own security and to make sure tion of our efficiency as s people. Such of entire freedom to play the Impartial an Inquiry ought to draw out every role In this hemisphere and In the circumstance snd opinion worth conworld which we all believe to have sidering snd wo need to know all side been providentially assigned to It. I of the matter If we mean to do anybave bad in my mind no thought of thing In the field of federal legislation. any immediate or particular danger Regulation of Railroads. No one, I am sure, would wish to arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with sll take any backward step. The regulathe nations of the world, and there Is tion of the railway of the country by reason to hope that no question In federal commission has had admirable controversy between this and other results and has fully justified the governments will lead to any serious hopes and expectations of those by breach of amicable relatione, grave as whom the policy of regulation was some differences of attitude and policy originally proposed. The question Is have been snd may yet turn out to be. not what should wo undo? It is, I am sorry to ssy that the gravest whether there Is anything elss we can threats against our national peace and do that would supply us with effective safety have been uttered within our means. In the very process of regulaown borders. There r.re citizens of tion, for bettering the conditions unthe United States, 1 blutb to admit, der which the railroads are operated welcomed and for making them more useful servbom under other flags under our generous naturalization ants of the country as a whole. It laws to the full freedom and oppor- seems to me that It might be the part tunity of Americs. who have poured of wisdom, therefore, before further the poison of disloyalty Into the very legislation In this field Is attempted, to arteries of our nstional Ife; who have look at the whole problem of and efficiency In the full light of a sought to bring the authority and good name of our government Into fresh sssessment of circumstance au 1 contempt, to destroy our Industries opinion, a s guide to dealing with ths wherever they thought It effective for several part of It For what we are seeking now, what their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to In my mind Is the single thought of the uses of foreign Intrigue. Their this message. Is nstionsl efficiency an 1 number is not great as compared with security. We serve a great nation. the whole number of those sturdy We should serve It In the spirit of Its bests by which our nation has been peculiar genius. It Is the genius of ' enriched In recent generations out common men for self government. Inof virile foreign stocks; but It is great dustry, justice, liberty snd peace. Wo enough to bave brought deep disgrace should see to It that It lacks no Instruupon as snd to have made it neces- ment, no facility or vigor of Isw, ta should promptly make make it sufficient to play its psrt with sary that use of processes of law by which we energy, safety and assured success. In may be purged of their corrupt dls this w sro no partisans but herald Americs never witnessed ard prophet of a new age. tempers. e e n of other nations In rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wido open and our goods desired. Such s situation Is not to be endured. It is of capital importance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic Independence which only an adequate merchant marine would give it. but alao that the American hemisphere as s whole should enjoy s like independence snd If it Is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such Independence the whole question of our political unity and self determination la very seriously clouded and complicated Indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our' own not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more; creating frieniV ships and rendering indlspensab'.a services to all Interests on this side the water. Must Provide 6hlps. With s view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present unparalleled opportunity ot linking the two Americas together In bonds of mutual interest and service, an opportunity which may never return again It wo miss It now, proposals will bo made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the government similar to those made to the last congress, but modified In some essen tial particulars. I recommend thess proposals to you for your prompt so ceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made baa made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly Imperative. That need was then foreseen; It Is now acutely felt and everywhere realized by those for whom trsde Is waiting but who ran find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much Interested In the particulars of the program as I am In taking Immediate advantage ot the great opportunity which swslts us If we will but act In this emergency. The plans for the armed force of the nation which I have outlined, snd for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization snd de fense,- Involve of course very large additional expenditures of money expenditures which will considerably ex ceed the estimated revenues of the government. It Is made my duty by law, whenever the estimate of ex penditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that It may be wise or possible for me to suggest. I am ready to believe that It would be niy duty to do so In any case and I feet particularly bound to speak of the matter when It appesrs that thi deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the congress of meas ures wblrh I myself urge It to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of the present state of the treasury and of the fiscal problems which thg next year will probably disclose. State of the Finances. On tho thirtieth of June last thers was an available balance In the gen eral fund of the treasury of $104,170,1iS.7. The totsl estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last congress will not be extended beyond Its present limit, the thirty first of tccember, 1915, ani thst the present duty of one cent per pound on sugar will bo discontinued after the first of May, 1916. will bs S70.3S.5oO. The balance of June last and- - these estimated revenues enrno. therefore, to s grand total of 1774. 433.C0S.7S. The total estimated din bnrsemenla for the present fiscal year Including $25.O'0,OO0 for the Panams canal. $12,000,000 for probable deand ISO,. ficiency appropriations, 00 for miscellaneous debt redempan I tions, will be I753.S91.OO0; the balance In the general fund of the treasury will be reduced to 120.644,' fifiS.7. The emergency revenue act. If continued beyond Its present time lim itation, would produce, during the half year then remaining, about $41.noo,000. The duty of one cent per pounl on sugar. If continued, would produce, during the two months of the fiscal remaining after the first of May, about lls.ooo ooo. These two sums. amounting together to $'4.on.cwiO, if added to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the treasury at the end of the year an available balance of 174 l.'5.7. The additional revenues require-to carry out the program of military and naval preparation of which I have spoken, would, ss st present estimated. yr ) o bt self-respe- |