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Show I! i ' GOOD AUTHORITY. Complaints are made against the Administration Ad-ministration that it is not Democratic. The complaints are without foundation. It is said that the slowness of the Admin-; Admin-; . istration in mating appointments is the cause of great impatience on the part of I !, the Democratic party. The same thing ! i w as said of Jefferson. It is said that the election of a Democratic President meant ' a clean sweep in Federal offices. The IT same thing was said in 1801. Every " Democrat knows what the course of the ,' Administration has been in regard to ap- ; i pointments to office and in regard to s T removals from office. It is also ; known what constitutes an offensive par s'- tisan. In view of the complaints against i t the Administration and the theories upon , which they are made, we desire to call i the attention of all to the views of Thomas ( Jefferson on these matters, and ask ; them to compare things then with things j ; now ; and after such comparison, we ask f if the names and dates in Jefferson's letters were changed to suit the year 1885, 1 if these letters would not accurately and I ' ; truthfully describe the condition of affairs : tinder President Cleveland? On the 26th day of August, 1801, Jeffer- f son wrote, from Monticello, to Levi Lin- , coin, as follows : I had foreseen, years ago, that f ': the first Republican President who should ! come into office after all the places in the Government had become exclusively occupied occu-pied by Federalists, would have a dreadful I operation to perform. That the Republicans Republic-ans would consent to a continuation of everything in Federal hands, was not to be expeoted, because neither just nor politic. poli-tic. On him, then, was to devolve the office of an executioner, that of lopping off. I cannot say that it has worked harder than I j expected. You know the moderation of our t views in this business, and that we all con- curred in them. We determined to proceed I with deliberation. This produced impa- Jtience in the Republicans, and a belief wa meant to do nothing. Some occasion of publio explanation was eagerly desired, I when the New Haven remonstrance offered j us that occasion. I I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse J on me, personally, has been with the design I , and the hope of provoking me to make a I general sweep of all Federalists out of office. ! ' But as I have carried no passion into the i" ' execution of this disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be excited. The clamor which has been raised' will not provoke me to remove one more, nor deter me' from removing remov-ing one less, than if " a word had been said on tlw eniject. ' ' We ask if the situation In which Cleve land was placed after twenty-four years of Republican rule is not almost identical . with that in which Jefferson was placed after t wel ve years of Federalist rule ? Jef- j ferson plainly foresaw the great difficulty I a.i,tenuaiii upon an tne (iovernment I : offices being in the hands of the Federal- ! ists: and Cleveland had the same diffi culty to contend with. On October 25, 1802, Jefferson wrote, I from Washington, to Levi Lincoln, in these terms : . , Their bitterness increases with their desperation. des-peration. l shall take no other revenge, re-venge, than, by a steadv pursuit of economy and peace, and by the establishment of Re-; Re-; publican principles in substance and in form, to sink Federalism into an abyss : from which there shall be no resurrection I ; for it. I still think our original idea as to I ' office is best ; that is, to depend, for the obtaining a just participation, on deaths, resignations and delinquencies. This will least affect the tranquillity of the people, and prevent their giving in to the suggestion .' of our enemies, that ours has been a contest j for office, not for principle. This is rather a slow operation, but it is sure if we pursue it ' ! steadily, which, however, has .not beet ; done with the undeviating resolution I could have wished. To these means of obtaiuin" a just share in the transaction of the public business, shall be added one other, to-wit, removal for electioneering activity, or open and industrious opposition to the principles ; i of the present Government, legislative and executive. Every officer of the Government may vote at elections according to his conscience;, con-science;, but we shoulrj betray the cause J committed to our care, were we to permit the influence of official patronage to be usod iij to overthrow that cause. i j He would ask whether the contest of j 1S84 was for principle or for office? No , doubt many said that Jefferson's Deuioc- raT was personal, and cited his resolu-! resolu-! lion to adhere to his rule for making ap pointments as proof of this assertion, the : . . same as Cleveland's resolution to do as he pledged himself to do is cited as an I' evidence against his Democracy. ; I In a letter dated Washington, Nov. 5, ' i ' 1802, Jefferson wrote to William Judd as f.oi ; that discretion which the ConstitutfonltiM confided to me in the choice of public agents, 1 have been sensible, on the one hand, of the i : justice done to those who have been system atically excluded from the servioeof their ;. . country, and attentive, on the other, to i restore justice in such a way as might least (affect the sympathies and the tranquillity of ;; i ; J.ne publio mind. Deaths, resignations, de linquencies, malignant and active opposition to the order of things established by the will of the nation, will, it is believed, within a , j moderate -space of time, make room for a j Jntt participation in the management of the ; ! public affairs; and that being once effected . ' i future changes at the helm will be viewed ; with tranquillity by those in subordinate ' i . j station. ; . We invite special attention to the fol- i i lowing Jetter written to John Page from ; Washington, July 17, 1807, as beinir the I ; best exposition of what constitutes offens- " : ; ve partisanship and the reason for re- ; moving offensive partisans : ; In appointments to public offices of mer . ! : profit, 1 have ever considered faithful . j ; Bervice in either our first or second revolu- t ion as giving preference of claim, and that appointments on that principle would gratify ! ; the public, and strengthen that confidence so necessary to enable the executive to direct the whole publio force to the best advantage pf the nation. On this subject, I f : ; have often expressed the principles on which ; I act, with a wish that they might be under- i ,' ; i stood by the Federalists m office. I have 1 ' never removed a man merely because he was ; ' ; a Federalist: I have never wished them to , I., give a vote at an election, but according to I . : their ownf wishes. But as no government could I discharge its duties to the best advantage ' t : of its citizens, if its agents were in a regular i ; ; . course of thwarting instead of -executing all ' ; ; its measures, and were employing the ! '(...' patronage and influence of -their offices I j against the government and its measures, I ; have only requested they would be quiet, and they would be snfe; that if their con- ' science urges them to take an active and zeal- i e ous part in opposition, it ought also to urge ! I ! them to retire from a post which they could i i not conscientiously conduct with fidelity to I I i j the trust reposed in them; and on failure to i retire, I have removed them; that is to say, those who maintained an active and zealous opposition to the Government. These letters furnish their own comment, com-ment, and they furnish good authority for the course of the present Administration; We trust that the lessons of -these letters will be learned by heart, and heeded by all. If Cleveland is a sham Democrat bo was Jefferson ; and he has good company. |