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Show BY THE PEtESlBENlw .JL Installment 24 He had taken Jefferson direct from France, where for five years he had been watching a revolution come on apace, hurried from stage to stage, not by statesmen who were masters in the art and practice of freedom, like those who had presided in the counsels coun-sels of America, but by demagogues and philosophers rather; and the subtle sub-tle air of that age of change had crept into the man's thought. He had come back a philosophical radical rather than a statesman. He had yet to learn, in the practical air of America, what plain and steady policy must serve him to win hard-headed men to to his , following;' and Washington found him a guide who needed watching. watch-ing. Foreign affairs, over which It was Jefferson's duty to preside, began of a sudden to turn upon the politics of France, where Jefferson's thought was so much engaged. The year 1789, in which America gained self-possession and set up a government soberly planned plan-ned to last, was the year in which France lost self-possession and set out upon a wild quest for liberty which was to cost her both her traditional polity and all the hopes she had of a new one. In that year broke the storm of the French revolution. It was a dangerous Infection that went abroad from France in those first days of her ardor, and nowhere was it more likely to spread than in America. Amer-ica. But Washing-ton's vision in affairs was not obscured. He had not led revolutionary armies without learning learn-ing what revolution meant. "The revolution rev-olution which has been effected in France," he said, "is of so wonderful a nature that man can hardly realize real-ize the fact" his calm tones ringing strangely amidst the enthusiastic cries of the time. "I fear, though It has gone triumphantly through the first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before matters are finally settled. The revolution Is of too great a magnitude to be effected In so short a space and .with the loss of so little blood." He hoped, but did not believe, that it would run its course without fatal disorders; and he meant, In any case, to keep America from the infection. She was herself but "in a convalescent convales-cent state." as he said, after her own struggle. She was too observant still, moreover, of European politics and opinion, like a province rather than like a nation inclined to take sides as if she were still a child of the European Eu-ropean family, who had flung away from her mother England to cling In pique to an ancient foe. Washington's first and almost single object, at every point of policy, was to make of the provincial states of the Union a veritable nation, independent, at any rate, and ready to be great when its growth should come, and Its self-knowledge. "Every true friend to this country," he said, at last "must Bee and feel that the policy of it is not to embroil ourselves with any nation na-tion whatever, but to avoid their disputes dis-putes and their politics, and, if they will harass one another, to avail ourselves our-selves of the neutral conduct we have adopted. Twenty years' peace, with such an increase of population and resources re-sources as we have a right to expect, added to our remote situation from the jar'teg powers, will in all probability enablo us. In a Just cause, to bid defiance de-fiance to any power on earth;" and such were his thought and purpose from the first. "I want an American character," he cried, "that the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for ourselves, our-selves, and not for others." He had charge of a nation in the making, and ho meant it should form, under his care, an independent character. It was thus he proved himself no sentimentalist, but a statesman. It was stuff of his character, this purpose pur-pose of independence. He would have played a like part of self-respect for himself among his neighbors on the Virginia plantations; and he could neither understand nor tolerate the sentiment which made men like Jefferson Jef-ferson eager to fling themselves into European broils. Truly this man was the American, the men about him provincials merely, dependent still for their life und thought upon the breath of the Old World, unless, like Hamilton, Hamil-ton, they had been born and had stood aloof, or, tike Gouverneur Morris, had divined Europe in her own capitals with clear, unenamoured eyes. Fortunately affairs could be held steadily enough to a. course of wise neutrality and moderation at first, white France's revolution wrought only its work of internal overthrow and destruction, and while things went thus opinion began slowly to cool. 'Twas plain to be seen, as the months went by. that the work being done in France bore no real likeness at all to the revolution in America; and wise men began to see it for what it was, a social distemper, not a reformation of government effective enough as a purge, no doubt; inevitable, perhaps; a cure of nature's own devising; but by no means to be taken part in by a people not likewise stricken, still free to choose. At fi -it Washington and a few men of like insight stood almost alone in their cool Belf-possession. Every man of generous spirit deemed It his mere duty to extol the French, to Join clubs after their manner, in the name of the rights of man, to speak everywhere In praise of the revolution. But by the time it became necessary to act to declare the position and policy of the nation's government towards France a sober second thought had come, and Washington's task was a little simplified. simpli-fied. The measures already adopted by the government, though well enough calculated to render It strong, had not been equally well planned to make It popular. The power to tax, so Jealously Jeal-ously withheld but the other day from the Confederation, the new congress had begun promptly and confidently to exercise upon a great scale, not only laying duties upon imports, the natural resource of the general government, gov-ernment, but also imposing taxes upon distilled spirits, and bo entering the fiscal field of the states. Not only had the war debts of the states been assumed, but a national bank had been set up (1791), as If still further to make the general government govern-ment sure of a complete mastery In the field of finance. Jefferson and Randolph Ran-dolph had fought the measure in the cabinet, as many a moderate man had fought it in congress, and Washington had withheld his signature from it till he should hear what they had to urge. But he had sent their arguments to Hamilton for criticism, and had accepted ac-cepted his answer in favor of the bank. Jefferson and Randolph had challenged chal-lenged the measure on the ground that it was without warrant in the Constitution, Consti-tution, which nowhere gave congress the right to create corporations, fiscal or other. Hamilton replied that, besides be-sides the powers explicitly -enumerated, the Constitution gave to congress the power to pass any measure "necessary "nec-essary and proper" for executing those set forth; that congress was itself left to determine what might thus seem necessary; and that if it deemed the erection of a bank a proper means of executing the undoubted financial powers pow-ers of the government, the constitutional constitu-tional question was answered. By accepting such a Tiew Washlng-tion Washlng-tion sanctioned the whole doctrine of "implied powers," which Jefferson deemed the very annulment of a written writ-ten and explicit constitution. No bounds, Jefferson b-elieved, could be set to the aggressive sweep of congressional congres-sional pretension if the two houses were to be given leave to do whatever they thought expedient in exercising their in any case great and commanding command-ing powers. No man could doubt. In the face of such measures, what the spirit and purpose of Hamilton were, or of the president whom Hamilton so strangely dominated. ' Opposition Is Strong. Strong measures bred strong opposition. opposi-tion. When the first congress came together there seemed to be no parties par-ties In the country. All men seemed agreed upon a fair and spirited trial of the new Constitution. But an opposition oppo-sition had begun to gather form before its two years' term was out; and in the second congress party lines began to grow definite not for and against the Constitution, but for and against an extravagant use of constitutional powers. There was still a majority for the principal measures of the administration; administra-tion; but the minority had clearly begun be-gun to gather force both In the votes and in the debates. The reaction was unmistakable. Even Madison, Washington's Wash-ington's stanch friend and intimate counsellor, who had at first been his spokesman in the house, began to draw back first doubted and then opposed the policy of the treasury. He had led the opposition to the bank, and grew more and more uneasy to note the course affairs were taking. It looked as If the administration were determined of set purpose to increase in-crease the expenses of the government, govern-ment, in order that they might add to the loans, which were bo acceptable to Influential men of wealth, and double the taxes which made the power pow-er of the government so real in the eyes of the people. Steps were urged to create a navy; to develop an army with permanent organization and equipment; and the president insisted upon, vigorous action at the frontiers against the western Indians. This was part of his cherished policy. It was his way of fulfilling the vision that had long ago come to him, of a nation spreading itself down the western Elopes of the mountains and over all the broad reaches of fertile land that looked towards the Mississippi; but to many a member of congress from the quiet settlements in the east it looked like nothing better than a waste cf men and of treasure. Seemed Too imperious. The president seemed even a little too imperious in the business: Would sometimes come into the senate in no temper to brook delay in the consideration consid-eration and adoption of what he proposed pro-posed in such matters. When things went wrong through the fault of th commanders he had sent to the frontier, fron-tier, he stormed in a sudden fury, as sometimes in the old days of the war. scorning soldiers who must needs blunder and fail. The compulsion of his will grew often a little irksome to the minority In congress; and the opposition op-position slowly pulled itself together as the monthB went by to concert a definite policy of action. Washington saw as plainly as any man what was taking place. He was sensitive to the movements of opinion; opin-ion; wished above all things to have the government supported by the people's peo-ple's approval; was never weary of writing to those who were in a position posi-tion to know, to ask them what they and their neighbors soberly thought about the questions and policies under debate; was never so Impatient as to run recklessly ahead of manifest public pub-lic opinion. He knew how many men had been repelled by the measures he had supported sup-ported Hamilton in proposing; knew that a reaction had set in; that even to seem to repulse France and to refuse re-fuse her aid or sympathy would surely sure-ly strengthen it. The men who were opposed to his financial policy were also the men who most loved France, now she was mad with revolution. They were the men who dreaded a strong government as a direct menace to the rights alike of individuals and of the separate states; the men who held a very imperative philosophy of separation and of revolt against any too great authority. If he showed himself cold towards France, he would certainly strengthen them in their charge that the new government craved power and was indifferent to the guarantees of freedom. But Washington's spirit was of the majestic sort that keep a great and hopeful confidence that the right view will prevail; that the "standard to which the wise and honest will repair" is also the standard to which the whole people will rally at last, if it be but held long and steadily enough on high to be seen of all. When the moment for action came he acted promptly, unhesitatingly, as If in indifference in-difference to opinion. The outbreak of war between France and England made it necessary he should let the country know what he meant to do. "War having actually commenced between France and Great Britain," he wrote to Jefferson in April, 1793, "It behooves the government of this country coun-try to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality. I therefore require that you will give the subject mature consideration, that such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect this desirable purpose may be adopted without delay. . . . Such other measures as may be necessary for us to pursue against events which it may not be in our power to avoid or control, con-trol, you will also think of, and lay them before me at my arrival In Philadelphia; Phil-adelphia; for which place I shall set out tomorrow." He was at Mount Vernon when he dispatched these Instructions; but It did not take him long to reach the seat of government, to consult his cabinet, and to issue a proclamation of neutrality neu-trality whose terms no man could mistake. mis-take. It contained explicit threat of exemplary action against any who should presume to disregard it-Genet it-Genet Comes From France. That very month (April, 1793) Ed-mond Ed-mond Charles Genet, a youth still In his twenties whom the new republic over sea had commissioned minister to the United States, landed at Charleston. It pleased him to take possession of the country, as If It were of course an appenage of France. He was hardly ashore before he had begun be-gun to arrange for the fitting out of privateers, to issue letters of marque to American citizens, and to authorize author-ize French consuls at American ports to act as judges of admiralty In the condemnation of prizes. As he journeyed northward to Philadelphia Phil-adelphia he was joyfully confirmed In his views and purposes by his reception recep-tion at the hands of the people. He was everywhere dined and toasted and feted, as if he had been a favorite prince returned to his subjects. His speeches by the way rang In a tone of authority and patronage. He reached Philadelphia fairly mad with the sense of power, and had no conception con-ception of his real situation till he stood face to face with the president. Of that grim coutenance and cold greeting there could be but one interpretation; inter-pretation; and the fellow winced to feel that at last he had come to a grapple with the country's government. govern-ment. It was, no doubt, in the eyes of the sobering man, a strange and startling start-ling thing that then took place. The country itself had not fully known Washington till then or Its own dignity dig-nity either. It had deemed the proclamation proc-lamation of neutrality a party measure, meas-ure, into which the president had been led by the enemies of France, the partisans par-tisans of England. But the summer undeceived everybody, every-body, even Genet. Not content with the lawless mischief he had set afoot on the coasts by the commissioning of privateersmen, that mad youth had hastened to send agents Into the south and west to enlist men for armed expeditions ex-peditions against the Floridas and against New Orleans, on the coveted Mississippi; but his work was everywhere every-where steadily undone. Neutrality Is Enforced. Washington acted slowly, deliberately deliberate-ly even, with that majesty of self-con-j trol, that awful courtesy and stillness in wrath, that had ever made him a master to be feared in moments of-sharp of-sharp trial. One by one the unlawful prizes were seized; Justice was dona upon their captors; the false admiralty courts were shut up. The army of the United States was made rtady to check the rtslnga In the south and west, should there be need; the complaints com-plaints of the British minister were silenced by deeds as well as by words; the clamor of those who had welcomed wel-comed the Frenchman so like provincials provin-cials was ignored, though for a season it seemed the voice of the country itself; it-self; and the humiliating work, which ought never to have been necessary, was at last made effective and complete. com-plete. (TO BE CONTINUED.) |