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Show Full Text of President's Inaugural Address Delivered March 4th I -4 "v: V' 3 , sfg ynn i I. a Calvin Coolidge, Thirtieth President who are already prosperous- Thl wise and correct course to follow if taxation and all other economic legislation leg-islation is nut to destroy those who have already secured success, but to create conditions under which every one will have a better chance to be successful. The verdict of the country coun-try has been given on this question. That verdict stands. We shall do well to heed it. MORAL ISSUES. These questions involve moral issues. is-sues. We need not concern ourselves much about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the rights of persons. Under our institutions their rights are supreme. It is not property but the right to "Mold property, prop-erty, both great and small, which our constitution guarantees. All owners of property arc charged with a service. These rights and duties have been revealed, through the conscience con-science of society, to have a divine sanction. The very stability of our society rests upon production and conservation. For individuals or for governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny these rights and disregard these obligations. The result of economic dissipation to a nation is always moral. These policies of better international interna-tional understandings, greater economy, econ-omy, and lower taxes have contributed contrib-uted largely to peaceful and prosperous pros-perous industrial relations. Under the helpful influence of restrictive immigration and a protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rate of pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment seldom hefore seen. Our transportation systems have been gradually recovering and have been able to meet all the requirements re-quirements of the service. Agriculture Agricul-ture has been very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals at last indicates indi-cates that the day of its deliverance is at hand. BIGGEST PROBLEMS. We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is not to secure new advantages, but to maintain those which we already possess. Our system of government made up of three separate and independent inde-pendent departments, our divided sovereignty composed of nation and state, the matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our constitution, all these need constant effort and tireless tire-less vigilance for their protection and support. In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is obedience to law. Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon the subject. He has no voice in its making, no influence influ-ence in its administration; it does not represent him. Under a free government gov-ernment the citizen makes bis c wn laws, chooses his own administrators, which do represent him. Those v.'ho want their rights respected under the constitution and the law ought to set the example themselves of observing the constitution and the law. While there may be those of high intelligence intelli-gence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and the defective always al-ways violate it. Those who disregard disre-gard the rules of society are not exhibiting ex-hibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting freedom and independence, independ-ence, are not following the path of civilization, but are displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of. savagery, and treading the way that leads back to the jungle. ASKS COOPERATION. The essence of a republic is representative repre-sentative government. Our congress represents the people and the states In all legislative affairs it is the natural nat-ural collaborator with the president. In spite of all the criticism which often falls to its lot. I do not hesitate to say that there is no more independent inde-pendent and effective legislative body in the world. It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative. I welcome its cooperation, and expect to share with it not only the responsibility, hut the credit, for our common effort to secure beneficial legislation. These are some of the principles which America represents. We have not by any means put them fully into practice, but we have strongly signified our belief in them. The encouraging feature of our country is not that it has reached its destination, destina-tion, but that it lias overwhelmingly expressed its determination to proceed pro-ceed in the right direction. It is true that we could, with profit, be less sectional and more national in our thought. It would be well if we could replace much that is only a false and ignorant prejudice with ,a true and enlightened pride of race. But the last election showed that appeals ap-peals to class and nationality had little effect. We were all found loyal to a common citizenship. The fundamental funda-mental precept of liberty is toleration. We can not permit any inquisition either within or without the law or apply any religious test to the holding of office. The mind of America must be forever free. COURAGE JUSTIFIED. Tt is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant for satisfaction satis-faction and encouragement. We should not let the much that is to do obscure the much which has been done. The past and present show faith and hope and courage fully justified. jus-tified. Mere stands our country, an example of tranquility at home, a patron of tranquility abroad. Here stands its government, aware of its might but obedient to its conscience. Here it will continue to stand, seeking seek-ing peace , and prosperity, solicitous for the welfare-of the wage earner, promoting enterprise, developing waterways wa-terways and natural resources, attentive atten-tive to the intuitive counsel of womanhood, wo-manhood, encouraging education, desiring de-siring the advancement of religion, supporting the cause of justice and honor among nations. America seeks no earthly empire Imiit on blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign do-minions. do-minions. The legions which she sends fortli arc armed not with the sword, but with the cross. The higher high-er state to which she seeks the allegiance alle-giance of all mankind is not of human, hu-man, but of divine origin. She cher-ishees cher-ishees no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God. The following address was delivered deliver-ed by President Coolidge in Washington Wash-ington on Wednesday, March 4th, 1925: iiy Countrymen: No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that is satisfying and still more that is encouraging. Our own country is leading the world in the general readjustment re-adjustment to the results of the great conflict. Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for years and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to experience for some time. Hut we arc beginning to comprehend com-prehend more definitely what course ihould be pursued, what remedies ought to be applied, what actions should he taken for onr deliverance nd are clearly manifesting a determined de-termined will faithfully and conscientiously con-scientiously to adopt these methods of relief. Already we have sufficiently sufficient-ly rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned, business has revived, and we appear to be entering an era of prosperity which Is gradually reaching into every part of the nation. Realizing that we cannot can-not live unto ourselvse alone, we have contributed of our resources and our counsel to the relief of the suffering suf-fering and the settlement of the disputes dis-putes among the European nations. Because of what America is and what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all humanity. EXPERIENCE COUNTS. These results hava not occured by mere chance. They have been secured se-cured by a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and extending over many generations. We can not continue these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past. It Is necessary to keep the former experiences ex-periences of our country, both at tome and abroad, continually before us, if we are to have any science of government. If we wish to erect new structures, we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations. We must realize that human nature Is about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not change. We must frequently take our bearings bear-ings from these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect to hold a true course. If we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we can do. We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since our 'national consciousness first asserted as-serted itself by unmistakable action with an array of force. The old sentiment of detached and dependent colonies disappeared in the new sentiment sen-timent of a united and independent nation. Men began to discard the narrow confines of a local charter for the broader opportunities of a national na-tional constitution. Under the eternal eter-nal urge of freedom we became an independnt nation. A little less than fifty years later that freedom and independence was asserted in the face of all the world, and guarded, supported, sup-ported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine. The narrow fringe of states along the Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers across the hills and plains of an intervening continent conti-nent until it passed down the golden slope of the Pacific. We made freedom free-dom a birthright. We extended our domain over distant islands in order to safeguard our own interests and accepted the consequent obligation to bestow justice and liberty upon less favored peoples. In the defense of our own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we entered the great war. When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our own shores unrccompensed save in the consciousness of duty done. STRESSES AMERICANISM. Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we have strengthened our independence. We have been, and propose to be, more and more American. We believe be-lieve that we can best serve our country and most successfully discharge dis-charge our obligations to humanity by continuing to be openly and candidly, can-didly, intensely and scrupulously. American. If we have any heritage :t has been that. If we have any destiny, wc have found it in that direction. di-rection. But it we wish to continue to he distinctly American, we must continue con-tinue to make that term comprehensive comprehen-sive enough to embrace the legitimate desires of a civilised and enlightened people, determined in all their relations rela-tions to pursue a conscientious and religious life. Wc can not permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and phrases. It is not the objective, but the substantive, which i is of real importance. It is not the name of the action, but the result of t!;e action, which is the chief concern. con-cern. It will be well not to be too much disturbed by the thought of cither isolation or entanglement of pacifists and militarists. The physical physi-cal configuration of the earth lias separated us from all of the Old orld. but the common brotherhood, of man. the highest law of all our being, has united us by inseparable bonds with all humanity. Our country coun-try represents nothing hut peaceful iioentious toward all the earth, but it ought not to fail to maintain such a military force as comports with the dignity and security of a great people. It ought to be a balanced force, intensely modern, capable of deli-use by sea and land, beneath the Mir:arc and in the air. But it should be so conducted that all the world may sec in it, not a menace, but an instrument of security and peace. ASKS FRIENDLY PEACE. 'I Ins nation believes thoroughly ir, in honorable peace under which the r.jih'.s of its citizens are to be every where protected. It has never found that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be maintained only by a great and threatening array of arms, hi common with other nations, it is now more determined than ever to promote peace through friendliness friendli-ness and good will, through mutual understandings and mutual forobear-ance. forobear-ance. We have never practiced the policy of competitive armaments. We have recently committed ourselves by covenants with the other great nations na-tions to a limitation of our sea power. As one result of this, our navy ranks larger, in comparison, than it did before. Removing the burden of expense ex-pense and jealousy, which must always al-ways accrue from a keen rivalry, is one of the most effective methods of diminishing that unreasonable hysteria and misunderstanding which are the most potent means of fomenting foment-ing war. The policy represents a new departure in the world. It is a thought, an ideal, which has led to an entirely new line of action. It will not be easy to maintain. Some never moved from their old position, some are constantly slipping back to the old ways of thought and the old action of seizing a musket and relying rely-ing on force. America has taken the lead in this new direction, and that lead America must continue to hold. If we expect others to rely on our fairness and justice we must show that we rely on their fairness and justice. ARMS PARLEY BENEFICIAL. If we are to judge by past experience, expe-rience, there is much to be hoped for in international relations from frequent fre-quent conferences and consultations. We have before us the beneficial results re-sults of the Washington conference and the various consultations recently held upon European affairs, some of which were in response to our suggestions sug-gestions and in some of which we were active participants. Even the failures can not but be accounted useful and an immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare. I am strongly in favor of a continuation continua-tion of this policy, whenever conditions condi-tions are such that there is even a promise that practical and favorable results might be secured. In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than a threat of force should be the determining de-termining factor in the intercourse among nations, we have long advocated advo-cated the peaceful settlement of disputes dis-putes by methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties to secure se-cure that result. The same considerations consider-ations should lead to our adherence to the permanent court of international internation-al justice- Where great principles are involved, where great movements are under way which promise much for the welfare of humanity by reason of the very fact that many other nations na-tions have given such movements their actual support, we ought not to withhold our own support because of any small and inessential difference, differ-ence, but only upon the gro nd of the most important and compelling fundamental fun-damental reasons. We can not barter bar-ter away our independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, sophis-tries, and no subterfuges, to argue away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested attempt at the establishment cyf a tribunal for the administration of even-handed justice between nation and nation. The weight of our enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force, but of law and trial, not by battle, but by reason. GIVES FOREIGN VIEW. We have never any wish to interfere inter-fere in the political conditions of any other countries. Especially are we determined not to become implicated in the political controversies of the Old World. With a great deal of hesitation, we have responded to appeals ap-peals for help to maintain order, protect pro-tect life and property, and establish responsible government in some of the small countries of the Western hemisphere. Our private citizens have advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing and relief of the Old World. We have not failed, nor shall wc fail to respond, re-spond, whenever necessary to mitigate miti-gate human suffering and assist in the rehabilitation ot distressed nations. na-tions. These, too. are requirements which must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in the world. Some of the best thought of mankind man-kind has long been seeking for a formula for-mula for permanent peace. Undoubtedly Undoubt-edly the clarification of the principles princi-ples of international law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars to prepare such a work for adoption by the various nations should have our sympathy and support. Much may be hoped for from the earnest studies of those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive war. But all these plans and preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselves be adequate. One of the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic pressure to which people find themselves subjected. One of the most practical things to be done in the world is to seek arrangements under which such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may be renewed and hope may be revived. There must be some assurance that effort and endeavor will be followed by success and prosperity. In the making and financing of such adjustments adjust-ments there is not only opportunity, but a real duty, for America to respond re-spond with her counsel and her resources. re-sources. Conditions must be provided pro-vided under which people can make a living and work out of their diffi- COOLIDGE'S STEPS FROM BIRTH TO HIGHEST HONORS 1872 Bom at Plymouth, Vt. 1895 Graduated from Amherst college. col-lege. 1897 Admitted to the bar and began practice at Northampton, Mass. 1899 Elected to Northampton city council and served subsequently as city solicitor and court clerk. 1905 Married Grace Anna Goodhue of Burlington, Vt. 1906 Elected state representative. 1909 Elected mayor of Northampton. 1911 Elected to Massachusetts state senate and later became president pres-ident of the senate. 1915 Elected lieutenant governor of Massachusetts. 1918 Elected governor. 1920 Elected vice president. 1923 Became president upon the death of President Harding. 1924 Elected president by the largest plurality in history. culties. But there is another element, ele-ment, more important than all, without with-out which there can not be the slightest hope of a permanent peace. That element lies in the heart or humanity. Unless the desire for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental and only natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its highest degree, all artificial efforts will be in vain. Peace will come when there is a realization that only under a reign of law, based on righteousness right-eousness and supported by the religious re-ligious conviction of the brotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete and satisfying life. Parchments Parch-ments will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant. INDEPENDENCE NEEDED. It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these important im-portant objects by maintaining our position of political detachment and independence. We are not identified with any Old World interests. This position should be made more and more clear in our relations with all foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our program is never to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do justice to others, we must require that justice be done to us. With us a treaty of peace means peace, and a treaty of amity means amity. We have made great contributions to the settlement of contentious differences in both Europe and Asia. But there is a very definite point beyond which we cannot go. We can only help those who help themselves. Mindful of these limitations, the one great duty that stands out requires us to use our enormous powers to trim the balance of the world. While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have done abroad, we must remember that our contiutd success in that direction depends upon what we do at home. Since its very outset, it has been found necessary to conduct our government gov-ernment by means of political parties. That system would not have survived from generation to generation if it had not been fundamentally sound and provided the best instrumentalities instrumentali-ties for the most complete expression expres-sion of the popular will. It is not necessary to claim that it has always worked perfectly. It- is enough to know that nothing better has been devised. "o one would deny that there should be full and free expression expres-sion and an opportunity for independence inde-pendence of action within the party. There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted partisanship. But if there is to be responsible party government, gov-ernment, the party label must be something more thaif a mere device for securing office. Unless those who are elected under the same party designation are willing to assume sufficient responsibility and exhibit sufficient loyalty and '"oherence, so that they can cooperate with each other in the support cf the broad general principles of the party platform, plat-form, the election is merely a mock-cry, mock-cry, no decision is made at the polls, and there is no representation of the popular will. Common honesty and good faith with the people who support sup-port a party at the polls require that part)-, when it enters office, to assume the control of that portion of the government to which it has been elected. Any other course is bad faith and a violation of the party pledges. HOLDS MANDATE. When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it a majority in the congress, it has a right to expect such unity of action as will make the party majority an effective Instrument of government. This administration has come into power with a very clear and definite mandate from the people. peo-ple. The expression of the popular will in favor of maintaining our constitutional con-stitutional guarantees was - overwhelming over-whelming and decisive. There was a manifestation of such faith In the integrity in-tegrity of the courts that we can consider that issue rejected for some time to come. Likewise, the policy of public ownership of railroads and certain electric utilities met with unmistakable un-mistakable defeat. The people declared de-clared that they wanted their rights to have not a political but a judicial determination, and their Independence and freedom continued and supported by having the ownership and control of their property not in the government, govern-ment, but In their own hands. As they always do when they have a fair chance, the people demonstrated that they are sound and are determined deter-mined to have a sound government. WANTS PUBLIC ECONOMY. When we turn from what was rejected re-jected to inquire what was accepted, the policy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy in public expediture with reduction and reform of taxation. The principle princi-ple involved in this effort is that of conservation. The resources of this country are almost beyond computation. computa-tion. No mind can comprehend them. But the cost of our combined governments govern-ments is likewise almost beyond definition. defi-nition. Not only those who are now making their tax returns, but those who meet the enhanced cost of existence exist-ence in their monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden bur-den Is and what it does. No matter what others may want, these people want a drastic economy. They are opposed to waste. They know that extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes the rewards of their labor. I favor the policy of economy, not because be-cause I wish to save money, but because be-cause I wish to save people. The men and women of this country who toil are the ones who bear the cost of the government. Every dollar that we carelessly waste means that their life will be so much the more meager. Every dollar that we prudently save means that their life will be so much the more abundant. Economy is idealism in its most practical form. LEGALIZED LARCENY. If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation both directly and indirectly injuriously affecting af-fecting the people, it would not be of so much consequence. The wisest and soundest method of solving our tax problem is through economy. Fortunately, For-tunately, of all the great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy. We do not any longer need wartime revenues. The collection of any taxes which are not absolutely required, which do not beyond be-yond reasonable doubt contribute to the public welfare, is only a species of legalized larceny. Under this republic re-public the rewards of industry belong to those who earn them. The only constitutional tax is the tax which ministers to public necessity. The property of the country belongs to the people of ,the country. lheir title is absolute. They do not support sup-port any privileged class: they do not need to maintain great military forces; thev ought not to be burdened bur-dened with" a great array of public employes. They arc not required to make any contribution to government cxpenditu ; except that which they voluntarily assess upon themselves through the action of their own representatives. rep-resentatives. Whenever taxes become be-come burdensome a remedy can be applied by the people: but if they do not act for themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for them. POOR SUFFER. The time is arriving when -we can have further tax reduction, when, unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we must have tax reform. The method of raising revenue ought not to impede im-pede the transaction of business; it ought to encourage it. 1 am opposed to extremely high rales, because they produce little or no revenue, because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong. We can not finance the country, wc can not improve social conditions, by any system of injustice, even if wc attcmut to inflict it upon the rich. Those who suffer the most harm will be the poor.. This country believes be-lieves in prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that it is envious of those |