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Show What Would Bryan's Election Mean? . While no ono can safely predict what will hap-pen hap-pen two years hence, at this moment all the indi- jH cations point to the nomination for president of Mr. Bryan In 1908. Hence it is not only right but it is a duty for every citizen who loves his coun-try, coun-try, to analyze what he says and try to anticl-pato anticl-pato results in case his New York speech em-bodies em-bodies tho platform which ho would demand 'H should be framed for him to stand upon. We find that it is more Populist than Democratic, that while it echoes the old Democratic demand for the abrogation of tho tariff and the smashing of the trusts it goes farther; it leans to a general gov-ernment gov-ernment ownership of public utilities and holds ''H out a covert promise to cure every wrong and 'IH every supposed wrong by legislation. In addition if his purpose is not to array every dissatisfied 'H element in the nation against tho rich and pros- 'H perous, and instill into every poor man's mind jH a belief that the reason he is poor is because of the wrongs heaped upon him by tho rich, then JH he does not make his meaning plain. Assuming that the rich can tako care of them- jjH selves, we should try to estimate what the effect .H would be upon tho poor, could Mr. Bryan's theory WM of government be carried out. -'H In passing, wo may remark that Mr. Bryan's praise of Mr. Roosevelt that he might assume that what of reforms tho president is trying to bring about are reforms stolen from the Demo- 'H cracy or from Mr. Bryan, is altogether gratuitous, for tho president's course was all outlined when a boy in the New York legislature and when he was a police commissioner in New York City. The president does not borrow his principles. jH We personally know that Mr. Bryan's ideas jH of the tariff correspond exactly with those, of Mr. .H Cleveland. When Mr. Cleveland became president .H in 1893, his first significant official act was to dis- S patch his special Mr. Blount to Hawaii to haul S down the American flag. His second was to call S congress in special session to destroy silver as money. Wo mean of course primary money, a standard of values. In his message to congress he . ascribed the panic (which was precipitated to give him an excuse for calling the special ses-sion) ses-sion) and stagnation to the fear of capital that S the country was about to gravitate to a silver basis. H After a more than three months strugglo con- H gross repealed the purchasing clause of the Sher- man law and placed the country on a gold basis. M But tho . promised revival did not come. The -M threat of "tariff reform" was still hovering over tho land. Finally Mr. Wilson framed his bill and , Wt pushed it through tho house. Had the senate done , the same, and the bill had become a law, the Dora- I'iJluflRf ocratic party would have gone into liquidation or JjjgHHHHl at least into the hands of a receiver. JfljanHfiiti As ifc was Senator Gorman tore the thing to PjfflSBjHBw pieces, covered it over with protection patches iiriiraHBf and Mr CIevelan(1 was t0 angry to sIsn lt loav- K ; f$jHH InS Jt become a law by action of time. Then Wfo H9Bi the nation resumed work. It is a repetition of v'vinH' that sloomy Period that Mr. Bryan's plan fore- 'IliinjH shadows. How do the poor of the land like the 'liHHm When it comes to dealing with the trusts and MHufflH. other combines of capital, Mr. Bryan does not . 'IIIbHHh promise or propose to seek out the wrongs and 'riiiHBl correct them, but to smash the combines. But ' illsBHI aside from the western miners and farmers, nine- IhHI tenths of the wage earners in the country look to IKflBi these same combines for employment. IHBHb While the smashing of the combines is going : J'IhHHm on where will those employers get work? ''iliSiHKi s for sovernment ownership of railroads we : JKhHI wI11, totlajr' conser but one phase of the ques- 'fiB x t'on iear men say every ay ua gov" ilnH ernment can own and operate a railroad just as ' l' 'mmmmmm Jt Can tllG Pstmce- Assuming that to be true, 't'ilSulfRf what then? What employee of the postoffice has RflHHB GVer advanced one steP above a clerkship? Is tSHB an occuPation that offers no opportunity for pro- i'tSnHMB motion the one the average American boy de- 'Iflfli sires? Is it a system which the labor unions of 'MffiHB tu0 countrv desire to see inaugurated? H ' flllfBBi Mr. Bryan proposes any benefit to himself? "But M -j fLHfiflflB prices will be reduced," says one. Will they? An B .' ;fl old man said yesterday: "A man could buy half B ' MSHr u sheP in Bston for half a dollar in 1857, but fl ' HjBBBK nobody had the half dollar." fl '-'jlwHBB Tliat explains the case exactly. High prices Mm ''tUBB are due to two causes- One is the vast volume B C tinflB oE money n tbe country and the state of business mm iWmmmmm which keeps all the money in use. mm '!,I9HH But let Mr. Bryan's programme be carried MM ;'-.?('HB out, let it become apparent that it is about to be B -'tflflflf carried out, and three things would swiftly sue- B ' ?IHBh ceed. The works that employ millions of men Is- '''I'mBBi would be closed down; the surplus capital of the 1 InBHl country would at once gravitate to safety de- I Vfl hSHR posIt uoxes and Prlces woultl fall. But in what l8BB lfin(1 f a wouW the P0r te in t0 take ad" iBB Tne country may become crazy again as it did 'H!Bil! in 1892' ut we flo not Relieve tbat it will. |