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Show Page 6 The UTAH INDEPENDENT January 17t 1972 The Nixon Administrations First One Thousand Mr. Nixon said repeatFededly that we needed a dispersal of Fedon restraints eral power, demanded eral spending, flatly opposed wage and of the price controls, called for abolition a of guaridea the attacked Job Corps, an end promised annual income, anteed the Given so forth. and to the surtax, things, in come up with his own variant of "national health insurance; launched a determined effort to override local zoning and building codes; and proposed an en- -: largement of Federal aid programs in a variety of fields, including higher education. We are informed that in several of these cases the President himself was indifferent to what happened to such programs or even mildly opposed to their continuation but that such administration appointees as Donald Rumsfeld, George Romney, and Daniel Moynihan Insisted that the programs be continued and that the President simply acquiesced in these urgings, a passive victim of zealous subordinates. Since the subordinates were there because the President appointed them, however, this explanation does not alter the responsibility for what happened or conceal the fact that the Presidents campaign pledges on such issues have been flagrantly violated. The President has capped the performance with his program of peacetime wage and price controls a scapegoating tactic historically employed by inflationist governments to blame their own malfeasance on private citizens, a policy which he himself had repeatedly denounced on previous occasions. Nothing I am afraid better symbolizes his flight from conservative principle than this basic reversal of policy. The best commentary on the whole program is provided, in fact, by the President's statement of June 17, 1968, ' various nuances and balancing phrases, his domestic presentation was strongly conservative. In foreign affairs, the story was much the same. Mr. Nixon attacked the idea of defense parity with the Soviets and said America must strive for strategic superiority, opposed credits to nations dealing with North Vietnam, recommended a tightening economic quarantine on Cuba, said Communist China should be neither admitted to the United Nations nor granted American recognition until it proved itself a power, and in general. assailed the incumbent administration for policies of cold war weakness. His stand on these Issues, despite a softening of the old image, was in keeping with his reputation as a knowledgeable opponent of communism and attuned to the concerns of his conservative supporters. On most of these Issues, the President as of 1971 has reversed his stands of 1968. In matters of domestic policy, the most notable feature of President Nixon's performance has been his readiness not merely to continue but to expand upon the social and economic programs of his Democratic predecessors. During the early phases of his administration, the President attempted marginal restraints on Democratic spending expolicies and concomitant long-terEven here, pansion of the money supply. at however, the effort was to best an attempt practice economy around the edges while refusing to challenge and, therefore, tacitly sanctioning the revolutionary domestic programs launched by the two previous administrations. The first 3 years of this administration have produced enormous budgetary deficits which will amount by current estimates to something like $60 billion a peacetime record for the American Government. Administration brochures boast that we are for the first time spending more money for social welfare than for defense. And, earlier this year, the President himself asserted that law-abidi- ng anti-Commun- ist 1970: Now, here Is what I wiU not do. I will not take this nation down the road of wage and ; m half-heart- is running against Nixon for the GOP Conservative Republican John M. Ashbrook from the Congressional Record is an analysis of presidential nomination. His speech printed below the Nixon administration's performance in office, as well as an analysis of the obligations conservatives have in speaking out for principle instead of hiding behind party loyalty. (R-Ohi- o) ised changes a weary electorate sought. The evidence to back this contention is SPEECH OF extensive and well-niirrefutable, and the object of this speech in part will be to set this evidence on the record. At home and abroad, the Nixon administration has continued and even accelerated the drift of national policies to the left in many areas rather than moving the Nation toward a moderate conservatism which supporters of the President in 1963 had been led to expect. The President has made occasional forays to the right and been free with conservative language, but the record overall supports the celebrated dictum of liberal Senator Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania: We get the action, and the conservatives get the rhetoric. From the Presidents announcement of a revolutionary welfare program in a conservative-soundin- g speech to John Mitchell's advice to civil rights leaders to watch what we do, not what we say, presentation of liberal policies in the verbal trappings of conservatism has become a distinguishing mark of this adminisgh HON. JOHN M. ASHBROOK or ohio IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday , December 15, 1971 Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, on April 8, 1957, Senator Barry Goldwater rose on the Senate floor to criticize the spending policies of the Eisenhower administration. At that time, the $71.8 billion budget was the largest peacetime budget in history. In the book, Portrait of an Arizonan by Edwin McDowell, he is quoted as saying: I felt badly about It but it was something I felt I had to do. After all, we Republicans had promised a change from the policies of the Democrats and we were simply promising more of the same. There is a concern among many of U3 today just as Senator Goldwater felt and expressed in 1957. Mr. Speaker, my concern today is even greater. The world is far different from what it was in 1957. Our military superiority has dwindled. Inflation, only warned about then, is a reality. We are virtually on bended knees asking concessions from our erstwhile allies. Yet, the administration today charts a course much different than the change we promised in 1968, even though we prom blg-spendl- ng tration. It is difficult at this stage to recall the statements the President made about domestic and foreign policy during the 1968 campaign so abruptly has he departed from so many assertions and so great has been the alteration in political climate as a result of his reversal. Among other PLUMBING HEATING ed I am now a Keynesian In economics. The $229 billion Federal budget and fispotential $30 billion deficit for this imcal year are not, it should be stressed, mutable facts of nature which the ad- ministration is powerless to change. While spending authorizations must be voted by Congress, the administration has many weapons at its disposal including its original budget recommendations, its lobbying and liaison activities on the Hill, its influence with Republican Congressmen, and the Presidential veto. With only sporadic exceptions such as the veto of the child development program, these weapons have not been used in behalf of economic conservatism; on many occasions. Indeed, they have been thrown into the balance to insure that radical-liberprograms were continued or strengthened. Also, the President has proposed what only can be termed a radical family assistance plan which could double the number of people on welfare. He has al ' price oontrols, however politically expedient that may seem. Controls and rationing may seem like an easy way out, but they are really an easy way in to more trouble, to the explosion that follows when you try to clamp a lid on a rising head of steam without turning down the fire under the pet. Wage and price controls only postpone a day of reckoning. And in so doing, they rob every American of a very Important part of his freedom. The area of domestic performance in which this administration has represented a clear improvement is in the realm of the "social issues law and order, social engineering, permissiveness, and so on. By far the most widely ac- claimed of the Presidents initiatives has been his approach to the Supreme Court. Warren Burger and Harry Blackmun, his first two appointments, appear on the record to date as moderate social issue" conservatives, and Nixons more recent appointees, Lewis Powell and William Rehnquist, seem even mere so, There is no question that court nominations by a Democrat President would have been far to the left of those selected by President Nixon, and this is an obvious consolation to conservatives. The court is exhibit A in the argument that conservatives should support the President. Unfortunately, exhibit B is hard to come up with. For example, while the President has talked against busing, the Justice Department has pressed suits requiring busing and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare has issued orders requiring school districts to adopt racial balance formulas. If the Presidents domestic perform- ance is bad, the foreign policy record, save possibly for Vietnam, is far from what we had a right to expect in 1968. 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