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Show I tali Politico Are Open to the Idea be Salt 1 ake Inbuilt. I Minda'. I ebriurv 16, Tfblj Ail Lamm Tries to Rally the West for Presidential Primary 13) Douglas L. Parker Tribune Political Editor yi lirst glance the lntricao) seems instil iM.iuntable The idea of getting politieullv .plil, notoriously maverick legislatures and III eight Mountain West states to piu-moi1DKH to .igree to a single calendar date by vast presidential preferences Hut that s what Colorado Cos Hiihai d L L.nnm is trying to do through his cuntacts as lunrman of the Western Governors Associa nun during Ins final year in office The con i.pt is to increase the region's influence in lurking presidential nominees for each polit-ua- l party bv having primary elections on he same day in the spring when delegates to i lespeeme national nominating contentions can be chosen Guv. Lamm has stirred the eaters with letters to his colleagues, and Itah Gov Nurm Dangertei. while nut closing the door entirely to the movement in a reply, expressed reservation' about holding a sepa- rate spring presidential primary election because it could cost an extra $200,000 Clah s regular primal y is in late August, well past he presidential selection prucess. and in any case, is confined only to state eandi dotes But I tab might still be in a position to accomplish the same result and fit into a regional springtime delegate selection pro cess through its voter district precinct cau cuses. called mass meetings in the Beehive State And the state's political calend.r wouldnt have to be changed significantly that is if a tentative aim of an April "Supt Tuesday" is followed ftah Democrats already vote then pie-ldent.al preference and apportion nations! convention delegates on the basis ul votmg in mass meetings the third week in Apnl Republicans meet at the same time al though they have reserved their presidenii.il preference voting for summer state conven (tons But they could change if they saw some strategic advantage Democratic State Chairman Bandy Hor mchi. all for a regional primary or earn in day ("We need some punch out West '). sas he believ es there could be bipartisan uppui t in I'tah to shift the mass meetings a week ot two, if necessary, to compromise with othei slates Republican State Chairman Larry Lunt (loosii ! exclude any of that However, he mentions the hailstorm of protest two years ago in changing the date of tin- existing pn m.n hv a couple of weeks spokesman lor the govemoi said "it s something to talk about." and if other West ern states move ahead Ctah mav be more anxious to confoi m The desire to increase i egional clout w ith presidential candidates has burned deepei with Western Democrats ot late, wing with the pat tv's Kastern wing lor influence. t , v Spit -- Id facing Peculiar Utah Odd Holiday By Paul Holly The Legislature's failure to pass a Martin Luther King Jr. Holiday bill while Dr King's widow was in town had some officials worried about what Pull's reluctance to honor Dr. King might do to the stale s image. 1 Haiti Now that the first flush ol deliverance has worn off. there are questions. Who will fill the vacuum left by Duvalier's departure'1 W hat are the chances of a democratic revolution" Will Haiti now begin moving down the road to development? There are four key groups that will determine which route Haiti takes, and each has a different perspective. The first group consists of the Duvalier Duvalier is gone, but loyalists. his people remain in charge, having four out of five positions on the civilian-militarjunta For Haiti to realize Us dream, the old guard will have to relinquish power They are too closely identified with the abuses of the past Then there are the would-bleaders whom Duvalier repressed or exiled. One of them. Gerard Gourgue. is the only on the new junta. Many others were released from Haitian prisons over the weekend, most are still outside the country, anxiously watching for signs that they can return Most observers believe that leaders from this group are the most likely to provide Haiti with political democracy and economic development I disagree. None of them has a significant organizational base or popular following within the country. They are all cut off from the vast majority of the Haitian people. They have little concrete knowledge of, 'or experience with, drawing in the common folk to create a true democracy. The third and fourth groups offer the greatest democratic potential for Haiti. The third group consists of the nearly million exiled Haitians who are unorganized and without political pretensions for themselves. They do, however, have new political expectations created by their common experience outside Haiti in countries where persecution and corruption are the exception rather than the norm. The simplest and commonest Haitian refugee readily expresses his respect and appreciation for the civil liberties and economic opportunities that he has enjoyed in the United States. Canaria or France. These exiles are wailing, trying to deter- Paul Rully is a Tribune staff writer reporting on the current session ofitahs Legislature. Jean-CIaud- y Utah lawmakers have said they don't concern about what the state's attitude toward Dr. King would do to their efforts to bring new businesses into the stale. But everybody might be missing the boat on this issue. Perhaps we can turn the Martin Luther King Day fiasco at the Legislature around to our own advan- tage. It could be to our benefit to look as peculiar as possible And we have the opportunity There is a bill, a compromise, if you d e nvil-right- mind being peculiar in the eyes of the nation, but they're not so sure they want to be that peculiar especially to tour-- ! ists. State officials also expressed some e new-foun- , After all. 47 other states already joined the federal government in honor ing Dr. King with an official holiday. Politic Alex Slepiek Special to the Los Angeles Times I live on the MIAMI edge "f Miami's "Little Haiti." and at dawn a seek ugu Fri day vas awakened by ear horns and joyous cries Unlike the false alarm of the previous week, (his lime the cause for celebration was fur real After more than a quarter of a cen tury of rule, the Duvalier family had left After all. the movement to honor the slain civil-right- s leader meandered through the Legislature for the first five weeks of the current session, with sume lawmakers clearly reluctant to join up indeed Si Commoners, Nol New Elite, Hold Key to Haitis Democratic Development Deserves The Legislature finally did approve a Martin Luther King Jr. holiday last week, but not without a great deal of hand ringing Many of the lawmakers did not want to call the holiday Martin Luther King Day. Nothing against Dr. King, you understand. but how about Human Rights Day, instead, to honor everybody" And some didn't even beat around the bush. They don't like Martin Luther King Jr period. And they said so. Rep. Ray Schmutz. George, put an exclamation point on his opinion of the s leader by refusing to join everybody else in standing for applause when Dr King's widow. Coretta Scott King, visited the Legsilature a week ago. Boy, he sure showed them1 Even with a bill finally in place. Utah's attitude toward the man many bc-- ' heve was responsible for the modern emancipation of blacks in the United States could make the state look strange, wheieas Western Republicans. With the ascendancy of President Reagan, Imd them selves at the cine GUI1 political instincts But the laltet mav want mine h s in age in 19BH with the nomination open A Western pi unary or iegiou.il same-dai aueus could put moi e than loo iu.1 ion.il con vent ion delegates on the block, t angiug trom n to percent of the total oelegates depend nd that s enough, propu on the party ing nents hope, to lotcc pi esidciii al candidates to talk about specific Weslei n issues, to cam paign more eftectivelv in the legion, to in ci ease media attention and vote! pjrtieipa tioii. and pet haps give j liuost to area i undulates against other iegion.il voting pat lei ns being fin m,,d, m h as in the South will, that has been lurking in the back ground at the Legislature since the opening week of the session. Sponsored originally as a subslitute for Martin Luther King Jr. Day by Rep. it would call our James Moss. new holiday Utah People's Day. Think of the possibilities. While the rest of the nation is celebrating Martin Luther King Jr. Day, we are celebrating Utah People's Day. Tourists might come here just to see what we look like. It could be the biggest thing for our image since a Utah delegate tried to punch out Nelson Rockefeller on national television during the 1976 Republican National Convention. Think of how we could capitalize on the tourist potential of Utah People's Day. We could change our border signs on all the highways leading into the state. Instead of "Welcome to Utah," they Hi there WE'RE Utah could say. " People, and YOU'RE not Instead of the regular ads on roadside billboards, we could have signs depicting a smiling Utah Attorney General David Wilkinson and the words Have no fear We're monitoring your TV for you." We could raise extra money by selling Utah People permits at temporary border stations. So, for two weeks or so, tourists could be temporary Utah People while they are here. If the proposed bill expanding the right of Utahns to carry guns passes the Legislature we could even enhance the ,fun of being a temporary "Utah People" gun belt, holster and by issuing a six silver bullets to all tourists for an extra $10. They could walk around with their guns on their hips during their visit to the state, then turn the weapons in at the border stations when they leave. Of course, to eliminate any possibility of sending out unwanted subliminal messages, we might want to issue the tourists revolvers instead of longstemmed six guns. That's something we'll still need to talk about. six-gu- snub-nose- 1 d - mine what direction the junta will take Will it rid itself ol the old Duvulirnsts or will it he more of the same" II these exiles receive, home, they encouraging reports and will nol tolerate a continuation of irresponsi tde and unresponsive gm eminent There' must he a truly free press and freedom to. oigante. including laboi unions and politi cal parties of all persuasions And the government must eliminate the corruption s",' pervasive in Haiti's history ,4e.v Stepick is an associate professor ot anthropology and sociology at Florida International Inner sit) , specializing in Haitian issues for the last seven yea rs. The last group, and probably the most important, is within Haiti. They are the students. young people and others who played a prominent role in the disruptions leading to Duvalier's downfall. Their presence surprised many observers They were not members of the recognized opposition. They had not had a previous public role in politics They are the new common folk ol Haiti, They have experienced the beginnings of development, urbanization and modern consumer tastes, but the old regime only whetted their appetite. Duvalier's policies brought these people into the towns and cil ies. but it did not provide them with a way to earn money to enjoy the fruits of develop ment Many had been involved in grass-rootdevelopment projects, cooperatives and centers When these small groups achieved any modicum of success, the government and its henchmen, the Maeoutes, went after them These people soon learned that, at least in Duva-iter'- s Haiti, economics and politics were inseparable. A few weeks ago they began taking to the streets. This form of political action occurred only because the military permitted it. In most of the demonstrations and riots, the military stood on the sidelines, observing but not intervening in the destruction and looting. The military seemed to have decided against Duvalier These last two groups the unorganized, ostensibly nonpolitical exiles and street demonstrators carry the real hopes for Haitian democracy and economic development. Their alienation can be overcome with concrete, directed policies that fulfill the essence of political democracy and economic development. Rather than either a continuation from the old Duvalier elite or the substitution of a new elite for the old. a better future for Haiti lies in attending to the needs and new expectations of the common folk." s skill-trainin- Ton-ton- Choice Is Between Democracy and Dictatorship Reagan Must End Vacillation on Philippine Election By Richard J. Kessler The Baltimore Sun President Reagan's Philippine policy is cake and eat it too, to have stability return to the Philippines without paying a price for it. That's only possible in Hollywood. not in real life. Reagan soon will have to choose between Ferdinand Marcos or Corazon Aquino as Philippine president. He will have to choose between democracy or continued dictatorto have his ship Mr. Kessler, a senior associate at the Endowment for International Carnegie Peace in Washington, is a former visiting research fellow at the Inhersit) of the Phili- ppines. It is the type ol tough foreign policy don si"ii Reagan has so far avoided during this tenure, and so it is not surprising that when Hie going got tough. Reagan tried to buy more time On Monday. White House spokesman lorry Speakes declared. "The election is over" just what President Marcos wanted to hear. The fire storm of protest this elicited ui Washington and Manila, including from the leader of Reagan's own election observforced er team. Sen. Richard Lugar, the president to back down somewhat at his Tuesday press conference, declaring, "This lute count is still going forward," Reagan announced he was sending veteran diplomat Philip Habib to Manila to talk to dl sides Habib's mission may buy some line, but cannot result in a solution without Reagan deciding whom to support. Reagan may hope Habib can work a compromise or compose a coalition government. But it wont work White House signals that 'both parties should get together and work to form a via bio government" make no sense in Manila where many Aquino supporters have paid the ultimate price for democracy, most recently the former Governor of Antique Province, Evelio Javier, who was gunned down in broad daylight by gunman in the provincial capital. Would Reagan have resigned from office after winning the 1984 election if the House of Representatives had declared Walter Mondale president" That's what he seems to be asking Cory Aquino to accept. Already Marcos is responding to Reagan's suggestions by expressing his willingness to form a Council of State which would include bis opponents This may make sense in the White House but again not in Manila. The Council of State has been around since 1946. Marcos last rejuvenated it in 1971. after losing badly in mid-terelections. But the Council only srrved to rubber stamp decisions already taken by Marcos much as his National Assembly does today. Filipino oppositionists know that to compromise with Marcos while he remains in office is to accept defeat. President Reagan is also promoting reca theme first sounded last year onciliation by Jaime Cardinal Sin and Jose Concepcion, head of the citizen's electoral watchdog group, the National Citizen's Movement for Free Elections but reconciliation no longer means what it did then. Too much blood has been spilled. For Marcos, reconciliation means coopting the opposition perhaps by trying to make Salvador Laurel, Aquino's running mate, Marcos' It is doubtful if Laurel would accept this form of collaboration. For the opposition, reconciliation means Marcos' retirement The unK middle ground that exists is fm - the U.S. to help negotiate with the opposition and Marcos for Marcos' retirement. Perhaps Habib will be able to convince the White House of this view once in Manila. His choice suggests that the State Department recognizes that they have to carry out shuttle diplomacy not only between opponents in Manila but also between the White House and the rest of the Reagan administration, where almost everyone clearly realizes that Marcos departure is essential to stabilizing the Philippines. But Habib cannot hope to buy much time. Marcos understands the American strategy and will work to foreclose it tension Marcos needs to establish that he is still president. He will try to do this by first intimidating the opposition into submission suggesting the U.S is going to back him no matter what happens, and secondly, by violence, and thirdly, if desperate enough, by reimposing martial law He knows that martial law may not Vita 1 Jyvft MBE ms was work, as he lacks the military's full support and the people could storm his palace, running amok in mass. Even certification by the National Assembly may not be sufficient because the assembly lacks credibility among the mass of Filipino people, particularly in the metropolitan Manila region, where the and where majority supports Cory Aquino street demonstrations have the potential for bringing down the government. The opposition needs to maintain unity, souls, preventing shoring up apathy and fear from discouraging its rank and file To do so will require protests and strikes nationwide which the moderate leaders clearly fear may gel out of hand, benefitThat the Catholic ing the communists Church has announced that it will allow its priests and nuns to man the "front lines" is an effort to contain violence while maintain mg pressure But this cannot he restrained for long, given (he numbers of people being killed, such as Javier. The blood debts that Marcos faint-hearte- tkND IWLKH d I'MYK? AND SMiDGM Of ViOIn(E. ay VOlS-W- x AN CENSY A vs, If Twenty Corruption if ftjf, lueW'LlPftoK , RAVE RETURNED y And DfM o WASN'T BY W s WON SWES' Ah? AT IfYTE W TO) GM You Back WWTO' Said is incurring will also make it difficult to ne gotiate his exit peacefully. President Reagan is wise to understand the need to contain violence, but lie also must realize that peace cannot be established without paying a price both in Manila and in Washington. The longer he takes to make a decision, the higher the cost Supporting Marcos means sacrificing American principles It's not clear if Congress would calmly except that including members of the president's own party in an election year in which control of the Senate hangs in the balance. In the Philippines, sup port for Marcos would he the final betray. il of our obligation to the Filipino people who stood by us in World War II If the moderates weic to gain power m the future, after being thwarted tins time with the apparent involvement of the US they would almost eortamlv be more viru lently nationalistic and Supporting Aquino might anger sornt American conservatives who support but there are few of those left The ad ministration also seems to fear a tilt toward Aquino would provoke Marcos to intensify his attacks on the U.S and carry out his threats to turn to the Soviets for assistance Reagan might fear that it is not possible for the U.S. to negotiate Marcos' retirement With skillful diplomacy, it is possible, if White House will is there. Marcos is under enormous piessiire. The little people around him, including members of his party in the National Assembly, recog mze that tiieir future is only safe with Amer lean support They, too, want peace lor then country. That they temporized so long before certifying an election result suggests there is still hope Through its "good offices" the U S can make Marcus understand that peace is the most precious legacy lie can leave Ins country. Mat-cos- Y . |
