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Show CONVICTION OF JOHN L. LEWIS y for civil and criminal contempt : court In his failure to end his o.a strike "forthwith," and the sub-ec.uent sub-ec.uent Injunction under the Taft-tortley Taft-tortley Act against further stop-age stop-age in the coal industry over-hadowed over-hadowed all other developments in Washington. The decision of Judge T. Alan lolosborough that the Lewis Issue fas beyond the bounds of "expedi-n2.v" "expedi-n2.v" and his new rule of law that ml.ns were responsible for the lass-" action of their members were ililights of the fight to bring John ,. Lewis and his United Mine Work-is Work-is within the realm of constitu-innal constitu-innal law. According to observers here, how-ver, how-ver, the right to contain Lewis is just starting. They point to the fact that he has fought a running battle for 28 years with six presidents of the United States and was first cited cit-ed for contempt by defying a wartime war-time labor law in 1919 under Wood-row Wood-row Wilson. It is freely said here that Lewis, more than any other one man or any one circumstance brought on the Taft-Hartley act and his attempt to defy it was circumvented cir-cumvented by the President who vetoed that act. On the other hand, Mr. Lewis was taken off the hook this time by Republicans, in the persons of Speaker Joe Martin of the house and Sen. Styles Bridges of New Hampshire in attempting to save him from the law which they had a part in enacting. Even the most neutral observers here say that the Martin-Lewis-Bridges "scheme" was a political deal and that the Republican leaders are now indebted indebt-ed to Lewis at least for the credit of getting the coal strike settled. They point to the fact that Lewis had President Roosevelt on the same hook several years ago and he made Roosevelt "pay off." These observers point out that Lewis no has the Republican in the same nr. EUROPEAN MOOTER ADMINISTRATION ADMIN-ISTRATION h slowly being set up here fa. a brand-new building at E and 17th street Administrator Hoffman Hoff-man has not named aB his top assistants as-sistants but he has appeared before ' the house appropriations oommit-( oommit-( tee in the interest of appropriations I to carry out the Marshall plan. It will be remembered that the senate wisely provided for a billion dollar advance from the . reconstruction Finance Corporation to set up Kie organization, pending deliberations of the house and senate committee for the actual appropriations authorized auth-orized in the act. Congressman Taber of New York, chairman of the house committee, who was opposed to the plan has announced he is going to scrutinize carefully every penny asked and it may be that all the money authorized will not be forthcoming. It would not be the first time that Taber had thwarted the will of congress by refusing to make the appropriations necessary to carry out enactments of boll-, houses. It was pointed out by Mr. Hoffman Hoff-man that the Marshall plan will nol increase this country's exports over last year . . . that they probably wil! not equal the 1947 exports but wil! merely sustain the export business and not stimulate it. It is pointed out that the country will not feel the pinch of Marshall plan purchases pur-chases until next fall. The first exports ex-ports will be foods and grains of which there is plenty. There are several stories prevalent with regard to the differences In the armed services and their so-called "lobbying" for preference in the congress for appropriations. One story is to this effect A month or more ago the armed services, that is air, army or navy, would have had no luck at all in getting an increased in-creased appropriation out of con gress. What all three services want is money. With the rape of Czechoslovakia Czecho-slovakia and the President's mobil-zation mobil-zation message to congress, however, how-ever, congress has become alarmed and is preparedness-minded. So to gain advocates for one service as against the other and consequent larger appropriations, what better method than to have differences of opinion among themselves, at least on the surface, to pit one bloc of congressmen against another Dloc. This is the first lesson in fundamental funda-mental "lobbying." So whether the differences between Secretary for Air Symington and Secretary Poi-restal Poi-restal or Chief of Staff Omar Bradley Brad-ley are real or for congressional consumption, the fact remains that it has had the effect of adding almost al-most three billions and may add five billions to the amount oriinall asked for by President Truman. |