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Show WASHINGTON LETTER. (From our regular correspondent.) As we approach the latter end of the session of Congress it is possible to estimate its probable results. Two of the large schemes which have been extensively canvassed may be said to have practically failed, for the present session at least-the new navy and the steamship subsidy. And it is safe to predict that the gigantic scheme of Capt. Eads will meet with no better fate in the end, though there has been what Mr. Tilden would call a "futile dalliance" on the part of committees in both houses. The naval scheme, which involved the expenditure of sixty million dollars in the construction of six steel ships of war, was evolved from the fertile brain of Mr. Robeson and was to have been carried out by Mr. Chandler. But the Democrats lost faith in the thing after Chandler became Secretary, because the latter is a pretty still politician, and the political possibilities that could be carved out of $50,000,000 rather paralyzed them. It was common rumor as early as December that the Naval Committee would be made up with a view to a liberal expenditure for ships and that Robeson would be the controling [controlling] force. Because of this understanding and the harmonious results that followed in the election of Kiefer there was great joy in the lobby, and every ship-yard has been lavishly represented in anticipation of the good things to come. But the jig is up for the present. People throughout the country who receive a public document occasionally from some member of Congress have very little idea of the amount of money expended annually to carry on the Government Printing Office, or the vast amount of printed matter turned off the presses of that establishment. There was some sensible talk in the Senate one day last week on the subject, pending the discussion of a deficiency appropriation. The amount called for was $450,000. Senator Beck wanted to know what the demand for this large sum meant. Two millions and a half had been spent already during the fiscal year, and recently an urgency bill for $230,000 was under consideration, which the Printing Committee vetoed, and now the demand reappeared increased to nearly half a million. It really seemed as if Congress would print everything that anybody asked for. There was the census, which would not be printed for years as it was proposed to print everything written for it, and the prospect was that they would not get a compendium until 1883. The illustrations for the agricultural report for 1880 cost $90,000, and the whole work was very costly, yet in distribution it was virtually thrown away. "The amount of trash which this Government prints," said he, "would break any Government in the world but this. Of course, you can't break this Government." Mr. Anthony protested that the Committee on Printing could not be held to blame, for much of the printing was regulated by statute. "Oh, no," answered Mr. Beck, "I hold Congress responsible, I hold myself responsible." Condemning the tendency to print all sorts of things, he said, looking at the printed calendar "Here we have a proposition to print a report of the trial of the murderer of James A. Garfield-God knows how many copies. The next thing we shall be asked to print will be the trial of Mason, with a fine engraving of Betty and the baby." Mr. Hawley suplemented [supplemented] Mr. Beck's remarks by speaking of the lack of appreciation of works issued by the Government, the agricultural reports, which cost 80 cents, being offered for sale at 10, while other works were disposed of at a like sacrifice. Mr. Hoar declared that most of the documents printed by the Government were used as marks of personal attention by members of Congress, and were distributed without reference to their usefulness in the dissemination of knowledge. He thought there should be some provision made by which the elaborate census reports should be supplied complete to public libraries, instead of being scattered broadcast. The new Public Printer, whom I knew in the West, and once bought material for a country printing office of, has invited me to come up and "go through" the office, which I shall do by and by for the benefit of my readers. The dilemma in which the House finds itself, when the project to refer to the Court of Claims the accumulated mass of private bills is considered, is a curious one. It is feared that if the scheme should become a law, a vast number of old claims, covered with the dust of ages and half-forgotten by their original holders, would be endowed with new life. Then, again, the Republicans fear that class of claims known as "war claims" would be "dumped into the court by the cart load" and would be thrown back upon Congress. Briefly, however, it is apparent that Congress is unwilling to part with any of its prerogatives, while it is also unable to exercise these in the matter of settling private claims against the Government. Congress cannot do the work, but is unwilling to put it out to any other department of the Government. This is not a creditable state of things. The just claims should be paid, and the unjust claims should be forever debarred. This work will involve a patient examination, which Congress has not time or skill to give. Consequently all claims, good, bad, and indifferent; are left to molder and desicate in the pigeon-holes of the committee rooms. In many cases great injustice is done and much hardship entailed by this means. There is now in Washington an old man, known to almost every resident of the Capital, who has been here for years trying to collect a just debt of a few thousand dollars due him from the Government which squanders a hundred thousand times the amount every session of Congress for the benefit of the Lobby. He is poor, aged and broken down in the vain effort to get his due, but this rich Government turns a deaf ear to all his appeals. Yet his case is only one of many. Dom Pedro. Washington, April 29th, 1882. |