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Show THE X IT I ZEN serve the principles which here had their birth. And in Milton, today, immediately adjacent to the building in which the Suffolk Resolves were adopted, is the administrative office from which this new call to arms is being directed. The Sentinels of the Republic,' had their inception in the spring of 1922, when a few men and women met at the home in New York City of Charles S. Fairchild, Secretary of the Treasury under President Cleveland. They had found each other anxious about the way things were going in the Republic. They saw both great parties lending themselves to measures which greatly increased the control of the Federal government over the States and which sought to make the a regulated ward of centralized government. They knew this was exactly what the founders of the Republic had tried hardest to avoid. They were sure that the principle of local selected by- those founders as the cornerstone of the national structure, was being hampered and denied in actual and proposed constitutional amendments and in Federal legislation- - They knew- that this lurch of political formation-"towardimperial centralization and this threat against States rights and individual liberties were not seen and recognized by most of the people. They realized that organized effort was necessary to bring these tendencies and facts to the attention of the people. They knew that there was a large group of men and women striving for this imperialism with the best of motives, and that alongside of them, and often unknown to them, were the members of a sinister conspiracy, not confined to this country, seeking the greater power of bureaucratic government in the hope that it might eventually seize and wield that greater power in its own communistic cause. It was felt that, because of the part Massachusetts had played in the first struggle for American rights and libthis patriotic movement erties, should be launched in that state. Everett P. Wheeler, one of the leaders of the group, undertook to find the man whom Massachusetts would consider best qualified to lead. Inquiries directed to representative citizens of that Commonwealth brought the almost unanimous answer that Louis A. Coolidge would be the ideal leader. It was felt that his personal background and associations, his knowledge of Constitutional history, his unselfish devotion to the Republic and his fearlessness in fighting for his principles fitted him for the place. From that day until his death in the spring of 1925, Mr. Coolidge made the work of the Sentinels his major interest and in the last year of his life gave up all business connections in or--: der that he might give himself to it, without any let or hindrance. In his extraordinary efforts, he incurred and 'Paid the penalty of a known hazard to indi-vidu- al v - self-governme- - s . ; his life. 0 A worthy cause, like, virtue, is its own reward. The worthiness of the 'cause fo the Sentinels- - has drawn thousands of patriots to its ranks, un-tnow 'every State in the Union is men and women- - who represented-b- y il stand for the best in their respective Federal legislation to which the communities. This has been achiev? ed."without the fanfire of trumpets or the waving of flags. The work of the Sentinels has been- carried on along quiet, dignified lines. It has been an effective jyprk, too, even though the orgpntaatiJbas been handicapped by meagre fundjs, fpr .it charges no dues, existing entirely on voluntary contributions. Although in existence but little more than three years, the organization has already proved a constructive force in shaping the destinies of the Republic. Through its educational activities it has been reawakening an interest in, and an understanding of, those fundamental constitutional principles upon which the government depends. Its celebration of the two ganization is opposed: Thus, indirectly, by the use of money collected through Federal taxation presumably for Federal purposes, does the Federal Government, through its Childms Bureau, within the borders of a State exercise control over purely local functions which, under the Constitution, the Federal Government has no right to exercise or engage in directly or indirectly. Motive or purpose, no matter how seemingly laudable, cannot excuse violation of our fundamental law, if this is to remain a government of fixed and limited powers, regulated by well defined principles rather than by temporary expediency or whim. Violation of Constitutional limitations upon the power of Congress under the guise of altruism or in response to sentimental appeal is just as vicious as any other form of violation. In fact, it is more dangerous because it is usu - . hundredth anniversary of the birth of Samuel Adams, September 27, 1922, was an example of its educational efforts. Its distribution of leaflets and pamphlets relating to questionable legislation proposed in Congress is an- other educational service it has been . so-calle- ally acocmplished by indirection and la difficult to check. It amounts to amendment of the Constitution by the process of violation a method as reprehensible and in its ultimate effect as dangerous to our institutions as would-ba more violent form of re volution. The scope of the Sentinels is further evidenced by the following policies adopted at a meeting of the executive committee on January 13, 1926: The Wadsworth-Garet- t amendment tc the Constitution restoring to the people control of the fundamental law la approved. Amendments curtailing the authority of Supreme Court; Amendments permitting the Federal taxation of state instrumentalities; uniform marriage and divorce law amendments; and any amendment transferring to Congress power to regulate relations between children and parents, are opposed. All Federal aid to states in their purely internal affairs is op- ywq m rendering. In defense of States Right and InLiberties the Sentinels dividual brought about the defeat of the proposed Twentieth Amendment, the Child Labor Amendment, to the Constitution. Bearing a title that made an appeal to sentiment, the amendment had won the approval of both branches of Congress in June, 1924. It was rushed to the Massachusetts Legislature, then about to adjourn, for ratification under a program agreed upon by the legislative leaders. A corporals guard of the Sentinels, however, was quick to act. Pointing out the basic iniquities of the Amendment, the Sentinels prevailed upon the leaders to have it submitted to an advisory referendum of the voters under the Commonwealths Peoples Opinion or- Over 3.000 cities and towns have streets paved with Portland cement concrete d Act. The Sentinels formed a Citizens Committee, raising enough money for the bare necessities of organization during the fall camaign that followed. Bringing about a general discussion, they succeeded in getting across their story. That convinced the voters that the Amendment was a gross invasion of the sovereignty of the States; that it was a vicious encroachment upon the sacred relations between parents and children. The result was the repudiation of the Amendment by a majority vote of 456,000 or nearly three to one. The effect of this vote, and the work done by the Sentinels and other organizations in other states aroused nation-wid- e opposition to the measure, which was soon reflected in state legislatures. In rapid sequence they voted against the ratification of the Amendment. Thus the Amendof the ment was rejected by thirty-si- x forty states which have acted on it. Another example of the type of legislation that the Sentinels are fighting is the Maternity Act, also known as the Sheppard-TownAct, which has been in effect for several years find is now before Congress for r a extension. Frank L. Peck-haof Washington, D. C., of the' Sentinels, in a message to all members, says of it in words that characterize much of the paternalistic Pavesaoenntto Wiaaan ED r Property owners in many towns and cities whose streets swarm with motor traffic are still wasting their pavemoney on horse-and-bug- gy ments of bygone days. These rough, bumpy streets are directly responsible for broken springs, cut tires, greater depreciation of cars, physical discomfort, loss of time, and many accidents involving loss of life or limb. And the heavy expense to keep worn-ou- t, of trying dangerous, horse-and-bug- gy streets in repair, added to their original cost, amounts to more than enough to pay for true, concrete pavement even, non-ski- d that has the maintenance built in. in the run you are paying for concrete streets. Why not So long get them? All of the facts are in our fret booklet on Concrete Streets." Ask for your copy so-call- er two-yea- m, Vice-preside- -- nt PORTLAND CEMENT ASSOCIATION McComick Building SALT LAKE CITY, UTAH A National Organisation to Improve and Extend the Uses OFFICES IN 31 of Concrete CITIES |