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Show THE CITIZEN people if not with the Senate. When he went to Paris he thrilled us with his ringing demands for open covenants openly arrived at. We thought that we were to witness a most inspiring spectacle in Paris an American President, as William Allen White has put it, 'battling almost alone against the world for enduring principles of justice. In Paris, instead of battling for open covenants, he joined with the Europeans and Asiastics in secret conclaves. And so accustomed did he become to secrecy that, on his return to his country, he flouted the United States Senate each time it asked for information upon which to base its action as a treaty-makin- g power. If the President is coming among us to regale us with pleasant platitudes and Princetonian phrases it were better that he remain in Washington to fight the high cost of living and adjust the threatening industrial disputes. His trip will be of no value to the nation unless he can give information which will be a genuine defense of some pf the appalling surrenders he made in Paris. The assailants of the league, for example, declare that the covenant giv.es the league the right to interfere with our domestic affairs. They express the fear that Japan will be able to force her immigration upon us by an appeal to the league council. The President, when he appeared before the foreign relations committee of the United States Senate, was asked by Senator Hiram Johnson how the American delegates had voted on Japans proposal at the peace conference for racial equality. The importance of the question cannot be disguised. If the Japanese had won their point have paved the way for unrestricted immigration of Japanese into our coast states. What was the Presidents reply. He said : The question is a very natural one, but I am not sure whether I should answer, and he refused to answer. A defense of the covenant which does not shed new light on the crucial question will be useless. The meager information he has imparted has not constituted a sufficient defense for his surrender to the Shantung robbery which enslaves 36,000,000 people. MOVIES IN EDUCATION 5 great dramatist played upon these subjects like an irridesccnt sunset their imagination was fired and their interest bewitched. The movies would accomplish the same object. While it is true that it is not beneficial to pamper the young by making all studies easy it is quite as true that the more interest one finds in learning the more knowledge is acquired. THE COMMUNIST THREAT up of the Socialist party in the United States recalls THE splitting factional feuds which eventuated in the Bolshevik party of d Russia and the Spartican party of Germany. In both Russia and Germany Socialism was powerful before the war. The tendency in Russia was always toward revolution and anarchy. In Germany the Socialists imbibed the constructive spirit of the nation and although destruction of the present order was one of their tenets they leaned toward caution and security. The frugal German revolted at the .vision of a country torn asunder by civil war, the vision of wrecked factories, devastated and deserted farms. Nevertheless, the Leftists were a numerous faction and, after the fall of the autocracy, launched a fiery revolution. It met with failure and the constitutional socialists established a republic. In our country the chief difference is one of magnitude. Socialism never really obtained a grip on the minds or hearts of the American people. It was fostered by foreigners who brought with them memories which they tried to assume were faithful pictures of conditions in this country. They talked as if the wrongs of the old world were our wrongs and they made themselves absurd by suggesting reforms for conditions which did not exist. Socialism has been out of touch with the genius of our people. Employer and worker iii this country are by nature individualists. They believe in individual initiative, in the special reward of individual energy, industry and skill. The young laboring man of today sees himself the capitalist of tomorrow if he be but ambitious, persevering, honest and reliable. However great our industrial problems, however irritating the failure- of the laws to deal adequately with new conditions of conflict between labor and capital, the people have had little patience with' the theories of Socialism. Nor has the practice been more persuasive. The Socialists, unlike the Prohibitionists, have no substantial victories to their credit. They have not done things. In spite of their earnestness and energy they have been, or have seemed, academic. The radicals, seeing this, were eager for action. They wondered at the energy of Socialism in Germany and Russia and its strange inertia in the United States. In Chicago, therefore, the radicals formed the Communist Labor or anarchists, formed still another organparty, and the ization. Both of the new organizations believe in revolution and plan to overturn the government by violence. They will find themselves not only in conflict with the law but up against the stone wall of American inidividualism. The American simply does not understand Socialism ; it isnt in the blood. Communism, in theory, is only another form of Socialism; in reality it is violence and revolution because, like Bolshevism in Russia, it believes in annihilating old institutions and constructing on the ruins of society. Probably it will make a greater appeal than pure Socialism; there are always a vast number of violent spirits ready to plunge into anything that holds out the spell of action and destruction. In a way the sundering of the Socialists will be a distinct advantage to the country, not so much because it creates an irreconcilable division, but because it segregates the physical force advocates into a special organization. The authorities will be qble the better to deal with the revolutionaries, lliey will know where to look for them and what to expect of them. The Industrial Workers of the World and the Communist Labor party will absorb most of the tire and poison of the revolution. Undoubtedly they will show fight and the country must fight back, for their very principles demand civil war. I here is no compromising with them. It takes two to effect a compromise and the revolution- - and moral lessons by means of the TEACHING scripturalSt.history movies, Timothys Episcopal church of Chicago finds itself suddenly and deservedly popular among the children. We read that twice a week the childrens film favorites smile from the screen of the church theatres and that educational features arc specialized on. We have often wondered why education has been so slow to recognize the value of the movies. Ihe films have been brought to such a state of development that they can be employed most effectively in teaching not only history, but physics, chemistry, botany, zoology in fact, science in general, and perhaps even languages. It hardly need be said that the value lies in vfzualiing the incident or the problem. What one sees one remembers better than what one reads or hears in a droning lecture. How many touching and splendid stories of history could be I 7 impressed indelibly on the mind of the young by means of the films. Whole textbooks could be picturized. The real romance and thrill of human life in bygone ages could be imparted in a way so superior to that of the teaching voice or the leaden page that the results ought to justify the expenditure. It is strange that no systematic effort has been made to adapt educational films to the schools. If they are left entirely to the theatres they are left to the vagaries of the producers, who will always value a film according to the standard of the greatest appeal to the greatest number. Moreover, the benefit of moving the movies into the school would be the union of visual with oral teaching, just as at present, but the visual teaching would be by means of films rather than books. knowlSome of our leading statesmen have confessed that their the information they acquired edge of English history is limited to from the plays of Shakespeare. In youth they refused to torture of a themselves with pedantic histories,, but when the sorcery ultra-radica- ls |