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Show 5 am 7 am Published Every Saturday BY GOODWIN'S WEEKLY PUBLISHING CO., INC. A. W. RAYBOULD, Business Manager r p GALLAGHER, Editor. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: i Including postage in the United States, Canada and Mexico, $2.50 per year, 150 for six months. Subscriptions to all foreign countries, within the Postal Inion, $L50 per year. am an ; Pn u. pn Pn pn I 50 id be Single copies, 10 cents. Payments should be made by Check, Money Order or Registered Letter, payable to The Citizen. Address all communications to The Citizen. Entered as second-clas-s matter, June 21, 1919, at the Postoffice at 8alt Lake City, Utah, under the Act of March 3, 1879. Phone Wasatch 5409. Ness Bldg. 8alt Lake City, Utah. 311-12-- 13 . Bing. Qgers, a. No ENTENTE RENDS EUROPE ANGLO-GERMA- N Hardly had Germany capitulated on the reparations question than This time it was Lloyd George, who, e allies were at odds again. into the mach-ierr purposes of his own, hurled the monkey-wrenc- h y. premiers departure from the accepted canons of was dictated by powerful motives, but what they were is The British GH diplomacy Agent, r. inilllUUHH li:i 1 1 1 Lane VE e City i:il il 1 al 1 imewhat obscure. j Undoubtedly his government has been weakening steadily during the last year and it may be that he adopted the spectacular in order to make a popular appeal to his own people. On the surface his speech in parliament was nothing more than a plea for peace and prosperity in Europe. In brief, his argument appeared to be this : JGive the mines of Upper Silesia to Germany because they are owned by German captains of industry and can best serve the worlds needs in the hands of those best fitted to operate them. Germany must have coal for her factories : otherwise she will never be able to pay the reparations she has agreed to pay. It is a plea which will satisfy opinion in England and Italy. with shrewd deliberation, expressed the belief that his Jhe premier, would be supported by the American government, but in this he went astray, for Secretary Hughes, immediately after the premier had delivered his speech, wrote a note in which he declared tjiat the United States would take no part in fixing the boundaries of Silesia. This was a blow to Lloyd George who was engaged in a Qontroversy with the French premier, Briand, and both statesmen, giving come out into the open, were striving to win the world s nrcrdict. set There has been too much obscurity about the plebiscite in Upper Silesia. It is idle now to place the blame, but it remains a fact that in the United States the significance of the vote has not been under-- s ood. for al ound J7 It was obvious that the Poles had outvoted the Germans in the wining districts and it seemed to us in America that the supreme now council should give its decision according to the ballots. But We are being informed by way of England that the vote was merely jlvisory and that the supreme council is justified in disregarding it for the benefit of Europe and the worlds trade generally. The (lapologists for the English view say that the Germans won in the tjctorv towns and had a noteworthy vote, though not a majority , the mining districts, and they argue that, taking the vote by and rie, nnd considering the economic circumstances, Germany is cntfied to control the mines. Krfanty, the Polish insurgent leader, seems to have understood the British position long before it was stated by Lloyd George and his apologists. Consequently Korfanty and his followers began a revolution which placed in their hands the principal mining districts. We are justified in believing that Lloyd George, seeing that his plans were going awry, was in something of a rage and that he could not quite confine his feelings within the mute walls of thr council chamber. He must needs rush into parliament and utter av appeal that should be heard around the globe. Lloyd George saw that the action of the Poles ran counter to the worlds opinion and he understood that he could take advantage of the situation to bolster up the weak British argument regarding the plebiscite. If he could but get world opinion on his side he could the more easily effect combinations to get the armed Poles out of Upper Silesia. Indeed, world opinion, he thought, if adroitly guided by public utterances, would render it possible for him to sanction a German invasion of Upper Silesia to expel the Poles. But whyr is Lloyd George so solicitous to aid Germany in this crisis? Is it merely because he wants universal peace and a chance for trade to prosper? Or is it because he hates the Poles; whom he tried to shut out from the Baltic by the treaty of Versailles, and alliance? Such an alliance might because he fears the Franco-Polis- h in Europe by the process of accretion. It soon grow would be something substantial for the smaller nations to cling to. And its power would be increased relatively by the weakning of Germany7. As a patriot, well versed in the historic meaning of the balance of power in Europe, Lloyd, George was of the opinion that he could afford to take sides with Germany. Taking sides with Germany in such a crisis ought to have shocked world opinion, but the British premier had timed his move admirably. Sentiment was against the armed aggression of the Polish insurgents and there was an even more universal sentiment for the immediate revival of world trade. The British premier, therefore, launched his appeal and awaited the answer. On the whole the response has not been unfavorable. But there is something preposterous, even atrocious about this siding with Germany against France. The French believe that the Germans have no more intention now than they had before their surrender on reparations to pay their debt. Certainly the Germans need never pay if the allies remain divided. If Great Britain and France do not stand together through the next few years the Germans will pay little or nothing. France, the chief victim of the war, will begin to lag behind Germany and soon will be outdistanced. Even with the indemnity paid promptly and in full the per capita tax all-power- ful |