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Show THE SEARCHLIGHT What's Back of Gus (Continued of the books of the Poultry Producers from preceding There on in the should also Bureau and the Utah Association, its dominating name be be informed of what of an the farmer. explanation of sums paid by the Chamber of Commerce and its allied organizations to Tom Jensen of Mt. Pleasant, secretary and actual soul of the “Associated Civic Clubs of Southern Utah’. Who paid for the leather brief cases given to members of the State Senate The in March? Power Company “contributed” $2,000 to the “Build Utah Division” of the Utah Manufacturers Association as its quota of the pot to buy up public servants, or prevent the election of candidates not amenable to corporation control. That $2,000 fund brought was only a small part of the slush together under the mis-named “Build Utah” organization by the same elements that constitute the Inner Ring of the Chamber of Commerce. A heavy percentage of the members of the Manufacturers Association “contributed” to that slush fund. The “contributions” Should be referred to as political investments. Poor Stan Stephenson, secretary of the Association was scared out of ten years growth when the Securities & Exchange Commission began the investigation that resulted in an injunction against Utah Power & Light Company, restraining that concern from making further political investments in candidates for public office. Stan feared the worst. That “Build Utah” slush fund explains why State Senators and administrative Officials have consistently frowned on enactment of a Corrupt Practices act with good sharp teeth in ‘it. It also has an important bearing on why liberal and labor legislation has had such tough going for several ing interstate business, the people of Utah might be rescued from the clutches of the Invisible Government operating hereabout. Farm affiliate. The public should is carried page) years. If State officials, beginning with the Governcr would show a little zeal in enforcing the make-believe corrupt practices act now on the books, a start might be made toward cleaner State Government. And if the United States Department of Justice could find a little time to examine the political investments made by corporations such as Utah Copper Company, the Smelter companies, and other “investors” do- The far-reaching ramifications of the Salt Lake Chamber’s Inner Ring are such that Gus P. Backman can call on his conniving allies in Satellite groups to carry out almost any scheme in any part of the State. Thus, in the campaign of 1942, Gus organized an under-cover fight through members of the Associated Civic Clubs of Southern Utah, and cther lackey groups, including segments of the Farm Bureau, that came perilously near defeating Walter K. Granger for reelection to Congress. In March, 1943,Gus openly bragged about: his near-success and boasted that his efforts to “get” Congressman Granger would be successful in 1844. Backman’s enmity toward Granger springs from the courageous actions of the Congsressman early in 1942 when he exposed the flagrant attempt of Backman to induce Salt Lake and Utah merchants to flood Congress with demands for anti-labor legislation. Gus began his campaign for hostile laber legislation as a part of a nationwide plot organized by the United States Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers. That affair illustrates clearly that absentee-owned interests pulling strings from other parts of the country always bring a corresponding movement in Utah engineered by carpet-bagger executives and agents of big business in exiled residence here. Interlocking ment the directorates “remote control” are used furnished to to Supple- preda- tory corporations by the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce with its Service Club and Farm Bureau allies. Thus, in 1939 when the Kilowatt Nobility in salt Lake City thought it saw an opportunity to destroy the political future of prominent Ogdenites who had favored municipal ownership of electric utilities, its director, E. G. Bennett approved and aided in a so-called “taxpayer” suit against public officials timed to hit the prospective victims just before election. H. A. Benning, one of “the boys” in the Ogden department of the Manufacturers AssociationChamber clique, together with the “Eccles Interests”, indentified with Bennett in the banking business, were lending aid and comfort to the kilowatt suit. There were reports that they financed the action. (Continued on following page) |